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Experience During Punjabi Suba Movement


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Before I ever saw Master Tara Singh in person, I had started subscribing to his magazine Sant Sipahi. I first met Master Tara Singh in the house of a relative in Muktsar where he had come for a public meeting. I considered meeting him quite a privilege. I took photographs of him with my father and younger brother. He sat chatting there for some time and thereafter left. I developed the film myself at the school photographic club and printed it in many ways providing several kinds of margins. A year or so later I went to Amritsar to pay respects at the Darbar and also met Tara Singh in his office which was within the Darbar Sahib premises. He was sitting on a string-cot and writing letters. A small tin box from which he was drawing his writing material was lying next to him. I took a photograph of him. It turned out very well and came to be much used. This was the year 1960 when he was preparing for a big battle ahead. I offered my services for what they were worth. He looked at me very kindly and advised me to first finish my education and then think of such things; ‘otherwise the people will think that you were afraid of facing the tenth class exams and had strayed into politics. Finish your education. Do well in all the examinations and come to me after that.’ I hardly knew anything about the travails of political life but had a desire to be seen in the service of the people. I have thought much about the incident since. A lesser person would have grabbed at the opportunity of gaining an unpaid servant. I remained ever grateful for the sound advice that he had given me on the occasion. It enhanced my respect for him.

There was a poetry recitation session in the school hall to which several Hindi poets had been invited. This was during the days when the Master was talking about the Punjabi Suba in all seriousness. I had noticed a lot of hatred for him and for the Sikhs in general in the air. I had to face jeers and hostility on many fronts. At the Ambala railway station the clerk issuing the tickets had treated all the Sikhs in the queue most contemptuously. He made us all step aside so that he could issue tickets to the Hindus first. He ignored my requests to do so in turn because I and my younger brother were in the danger of missing our train to Dehra Dun and had nowhere to go. He turned to everybody in general and said, ‘look at these Sikhs! They want a Punjabi Suba and also cannot do without a railway ticket.’ I did not quite see the logic he was trying to propound but had to comply with his orders. During this period, I found that my best friend of long standing at the school, who was a Dogra from a well-educated Jammu based family, had suddenly turned against me most virulently. This was one of the experiences of my childhood that left me completely confused about human relations.

Most of the poets at the recitation evening were very sensible but several were seen to be taking pleasure in ridiculing the Sikhs. One who drew the most applause from the audience of which some school boys were a part, earned it by comparing Master Tara Singh to a donkey. In western culture this animal is assumed to be very wise but on the Indian sub-continent it is presumed to be low on intelligence. I was amongst the few Sikhs in the hall and I felt utterly helpless and thoroughly insulted. The short shrunken man who made the comparison, was perhaps a chain smoker, for he went out quite often and was seen puffing away at cheap, foul-smelling cigarettes. No elevated or decent thought was to be expected of such a person, but we did feel isolated and disgusted. Particularly painful were the merry outbursts of our schoolmates. More than anything else, we were surprised since this aspect of their personality had always remained hidden from view. We at once understood why our leaders were trying to carve out a niche to safeguard the Sikhs from being inundated in the sea of hatred welling up all around. The prevailing situation must have turned many inside and outside that hall, into strong supporters of Master Tara Singh. When on the early morning of August 15, the day the Master was to start his fast-unto-death, I went to the gurdwara to pray for his wellbeing, I was in a way seeking revenge for the behaviour of that despicable poet. A mixture of such emotions in such an atmosphere must have turned many into supporters of the Akali leaders, as the most tangible justification for their cause was being generously served out to the people at large by every aggressive representative of Hindudom.

Before I ever saw Master Tara Singh in person, I had started subscribing to his magazine Sant Sipahi. I first met Master Tara Singh in the house of a relative in Muktsar where he had come for a public meeting. I considered meeting him quite a privilege. I took photographs of him with my father and younger brother. He sat chatting there for some time and thereafter left. I developed the film myself at the school photographic club and printed it in many ways providing several kinds of margins. A year or so later I went to Amritsar to pay respects at the Darbar and also met Tara Singh in his office which was within the Darbar Sahib premises. He was sitting on a string-cot and writing letters. A small tin box from which he was drawing his writing material was lying next to him. I took a photograph of him. It turned out very well and came to be much used. This was the year 1960 when he was preparing for a big battle ahead. I offered my services for what they were worth. He looked at me very kindly and advised me to first finish my education and then think of such things; ‘otherwise the people will think that you were afraid of facing the tenth class exams and had strayed into politics. Finish your education. Do well in all the examinations and come to me after that.’ I hardly knew anything about the travails of political life but had a desire to be seen in the service of the people. I have thought much about the incident since. A lesser person would have grabbed at the opportunity of gaining an unpaid servant. I remained ever grateful for the sound advice that he had given me on the occasion. It enhanced my respect for him.

There was a poetry recitation session in the school hall to which several Hindi poets had been invited. This was during the days when the Master was talking about the Punjabi Suba in all seriousness. I had noticed a lot of hatred for him and for the Sikhs in general in the air. I had to face jeers and hostility on many fronts. At the Ambala railway station the clerk issuing the tickets had treated all the Sikhs in the queue most contemptuously. He made us all step aside so that he could issue tickets to the Hindus first. He ignored my requests to do so in turn because I and my younger brother were in the danger of missing our train to Dehra Dun and had nowhere to go. He turned to everybody in general and said, ‘look at these Sikhs! They want a Punjabi Suba and also cannot do without a railway ticket.’ I did not quite see the logic he was trying to propound but had to comply with his orders. During this period, I found that my best friend of long standing at the school, who was a Dogra from a well-educated Jammu based family, had suddenly turned against me most virulently. This was one of the experiences of my childhood that left me completely confused about human relations.

Most of the poets at the recitation evening were very sensible but several were seen to be taking pleasure in ridiculing the Sikhs. One who drew the most applause from the audience of which some school boys were a part, earned it by comparing Master Tara Singh to a donkey. In western culture this animal is assumed to be very wise but on the Indian sub-continent it is presumed to be low on intelligence. I was amongst the few Sikhs in the hall and I felt utterly helpless and thoroughly insulted. The short shrunken man who made the comparison, was perhaps a chain smoker, for he went out quite often and was seen puffing away at cheap, foul-smelling cigarettes. No elevated or decent thought was to be expected of such a person, but we did feel isolated and disgusted. Particularly painful were the merry outbursts of our schoolmates. More than anything else, we were surprised since this aspect of their personality had always remained hidden from view. We at once understood why our leaders were trying to carve out a niche to safeguard the Sikhs from being inundated in the sea of hatred welling up all around. The prevailing situation must have turned many inside and outside that hall, into strong supporters of Master Tara Singh. When on the early morning of August 15, the day the Master was to start his fast-unto-death, I went to the gurdwara to pray for his wellbeing, I was in a way seeking revenge for the behaviour of that despicable poet. A mixture of such emotions in such an atmosphere must have turned many into supporters of the Akali leaders, as the most tangible justification for their cause was being generously served out to the people at large by every aggressive representative of Hindudom.

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Before I ever saw Master Tara Singh in person, I had started subscribing to his magazine Sant Sipahi. I first met Master Tara Singh in the house of a relative in Muktsar where he had come for a public meeting. I considered meeting him quite a privilege. I took photographs of him with my father and younger brother. He sat chatting there for some time and thereafter left. I developed the film myself at the school photographic club and printed it in many ways providing several kinds of margins. A year or so later I went to Amritsar to pay respects at the Darbar and also met Tara Singh in his office which was within the Darbar Sahib premises. He was sitting on a string-cot and writing letters. A small tin box from which he was drawing his writing material was lying next to him. I took a photograph of him. It turned out very well and came to be much used. This was the year 1960 when he was preparing for a big battle ahead. I offered my services for what they were worth. He looked at me very kindly and advised me to first finish my education and then think of such things; ‘otherwise the people will think that you were afraid of facing the tenth class exams and had strayed into politics. Finish your education. Do well in all the examinations and come to me after that.’ I hardly knew anything about the travails of political life but had a desire to be seen in the service of the people. I have thought much about the incident since. A lesser person would have grabbed at the opportunity of gaining an unpaid servant. I remained ever grateful for the sound advice that he had given me on the occasion. It enhanced my respect for him.

There was a poetry recitation session in the school hall to which several Hindi poets had been invited. This was during the days when the Master was talking about the Punjabi Suba in all seriousness. I had noticed a lot of hatred for him and for the Sikhs in general in the air. I had to face jeers and hostility on many fronts. At the Ambala railway station the clerk issuing the tickets had treated all the Sikhs in the queue most contemptuously. He made us all step aside so that he could issue tickets to the Hindus first. He ignored my requests to do so in turn because I and my younger brother were in the danger of missing our train to Dehra Dun and had nowhere to go. He turned to everybody in general and said, ‘look at these Sikhs! They want a Punjabi Suba and also cannot do without a railway ticket.’ I did not quite see the logic he was trying to propound but had to comply with his orders. During this period, I found that my best friend of long standing at the school, who was a Dogra from a well-educated Jammu based family, had suddenly turned against me most virulently. This was one of the experiences of my childhood that left me completely confused about human relations.

Most of the poets at the recitation evening were very sensible but several were seen to be taking pleasure in ridiculing the Sikhs. One who drew the most applause from the audience of which some school boys were a part, earned it by comparing Master Tara Singh to a donkey. In western culture this animal is assumed to be very wise but on the Indian sub-continent it is presumed to be low on intelligence. I was amongst the few Sikhs in the hall and I felt utterly helpless and thoroughly insulted. The short shrunken man who made the comparison, was perhaps a chain smoker, for he went out quite often and was seen puffing away at cheap, foul-smelling cigarettes. No elevated or decent thought was to be expected of such a person, but we did feel isolated and disgusted. Particularly painful were the merry outbursts of our schoolmates. More than anything else, we were surprised since this aspect of their personality had always remained hidden from view. We at once understood why our leaders were trying to carve out a niche to safeguard the Sikhs from being inundated in the sea of hatred welling up all around. The prevailing situation must have turned many inside and outside that hall, into strong supporters of Master Tara Singh. When on the early morning of August 15, the day the Master was to start his fast-unto-death, I went to the gurdwara to pray for his wellbeing, I was in a way seeking revenge for the behaviour of that despicable poet. A mixture of such emotions in such an atmosphere must have turned many into supporters of the Akali leaders, as the most tangible justification for their cause was being generously served out to the people at large by every aggressive representative of Hindudom.

Before I ever saw Master Tara Singh in person, I had started subscribing to his magazine Sant Sipahi. I first met Master Tara Singh in the house of a relative in Muktsar where he had come for a public meeting. I considered meeting him quite a privilege. I took photographs of him with my father and younger brother. He sat chatting there for some time and thereafter left. I developed the film myself at the school photographic club and printed it in many ways providing several kinds of margins. A year or so later I went to Amritsar to pay respects at the Darbar and also met Tara Singh in his office which was within the Darbar Sahib premises. He was sitting on a string-cot and writing letters. A small tin box from which he was drawing his writing material was lying next to him. I took a photograph of him. It turned out very well and came to be much used. This was the year 1960 when he was preparing for a big battle ahead. I offered my services for what they were worth. He looked at me very kindly and advised me to first finish my education and then think of such things; ‘otherwise the people will think that you were afraid of facing the tenth class exams and had strayed into politics. Finish your education. Do well in all the examinations and come to me after that.’ I hardly knew anything about the travails of political life but had a desire to be seen in the service of the people. I have thought much about the incident since. A lesser person would have grabbed at the opportunity of gaining an unpaid servant. I remained ever grateful for the sound advice that he had given me on the occasion. It enhanced my respect for him.

There was a poetry recitation session in the school hall to which several Hindi poets had been invited. This was during the days when the Master was talking about the Punjabi Suba in all seriousness. I had noticed a lot of hatred for him and for the Sikhs in general in the air. I had to face jeers and hostility on many fronts. At the Ambala railway station the clerk issuing the tickets had treated all the Sikhs in the queue most contemptuously. He made us all step aside so that he could issue tickets to the Hindus first. He ignored my requests to do so in turn because I and my younger brother were in the danger of missing our train to Dehra Dun and had nowhere to go. He turned to everybody in general and said, ‘look at these Sikhs! They want a Punjabi Suba and also cannot do without a railway ticket.’ I did not quite see the logic he was trying to propound but had to comply with his orders. During this period, I found that my best friend of long standing at the school, who was a Dogra from a well-educated Jammu based family, had suddenly turned against me most virulently. This was one of the experiences of my childhood that left me completely confused about human relations.

Most of the poets at the recitation evening were very sensible but several were seen to be taking pleasure in ridiculing the Sikhs. One who drew the most applause from the audience of which some school boys were a part, earned it by comparing Master Tara Singh to a donkey. In western culture this animal is assumed to be very wise but on the Indian sub-continent it is presumed to be low on intelligence. I was amongst the few Sikhs in the hall and I felt utterly helpless and thoroughly insulted. The short shrunken man who made the comparison, was perhaps a chain smoker, for he went out quite often and was seen puffing away at cheap, foul-smelling cigarettes. No elevated or decent thought was to be expected of such a person, but we did feel isolated and disgusted. Particularly painful were the merry outbursts of our schoolmates. More than anything else, we were surprised since this aspect of their personality had always remained hidden from view. We at once understood why our leaders were trying to carve out a niche to safeguard the Sikhs from being inundated in the sea of hatred welling up all around. The prevailing situation must have turned many inside and outside that hall, into strong supporters of Master Tara Singh. When on the early morning of August 15, the day the Master was to start his fast-unto-death, I went to the gurdwara to pray for his wellbeing, I was in a way seeking revenge for the behaviour of that despicable poet. A mixture of such emotions in such an atmosphere must have turned many into supporters of the Akali leaders, as the most tangible justification for their cause was being generously served out to the people at large by every aggressive representative of Hindudom.

There is also one about a ten year old boy who was beaten to death as well.

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These Hindus will not talk about their crimes spcially punjabi hindus they are worst lot

Violence and Opposition by Hindus

Hindu leaders and media greatly opposed the Sikh struggle and started labeling them as “traitors”. Several Hindu organizations and leaders such as RSS, Arya Samaj, Lala Jagat Narayan, Khushal Chand, Lal Chand and many others openly spoke against Sikhs and started threatening the Sikhs to stop their agitation.

The entire Hindu media started to spread false information about Sikhs and their motives behind the struggle. They were labeled as “terrorists”, “traitors” and “agents of Pakistan”. Their patriotism was questioned by the media. The government used its puppets in Congress and the police to increase its brutality against the Sikhs. On one hand, Congressman Partap Kairon and the likes were threatening to crush the movement and on the other hand the police were arresting many of the Sikh leaders and throwing them in jails without any charge or trial. This was all being done on the orders of the central government to destabilize the Sikh movement. The police had become so ruthless that peaceful protestors were beaten with sticks and fired upon by the police. Women and children were not spared. The police had greatly been influenced by the media. In Karnal, some Sikhs had gathered peacefully in support of the Sikh cause when they were fired upon by the police. Inderjit Singh, a ten year old Sikh boy, was beaten, thrown in irrigation well and killed. In other states, fate of the Sikhs was not any different. Gurdwara Sees Ganj Sahib in Delhi was surrounded by the police and about 2000 Sikhs were arrested. By 1960, 25 thousand Sikhs had been arrested and jailed. This was done to inform Sikhs that they were second class citizens in India.

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Hindu residents of Punjab were not any different. They held large processions in the opposition of Sikhs. Sikh properties were targeted, destroyed and burnt in Punjab. Sikhs resident places were attacked. Police was ordered not to intervene or stop the Hindu hoodlums. Seeing the inability of the police, the Hindus attacked many Sikh policemen causing injuries to several of them and death of one Sikh inspector. Toleration of the Hindu violence by the police and the government gave rise to attack on Sikh religious places. Many Gurdwaras were attacked and cigarettes were thrown in the sarowars (holy nectar). Guru Granth Sahib was ripped, burnt and disrespected in highly immoral manner. This was in direct contrast to the Hindu belief that Sikhism was a sect of Hinduism. Had there been any truth to it, Hindus would never have attacked one of their own and disrespected their own holy scriptures. In 1964, the police attacked Gurdwara Paonta Sahib in Himachal and killed many Sikhs.

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Out of all the India leaders, Jawaharlal Nehru, prime minister of India, despised Sikhs the most. Sikh leaders met him on many occasions but every time he refused to listen to Sikhs and consider their demands. During the three primary meetings between the Sikh leaders and Nehru it was alleged that the demand for Punjabi State was neither beneficial to the country nor to the Hindus of Punjab.

According to Nehru, “Creating a Punjabi State is against the prosperity of the Hindus and would put Sikhs in other states in a grave danger.” (Sikh Politics of 20th Century, Ajmer Singh, Pg. 177). In the last meeting he stated,“Granting the demand for Punjabi State is out of the question.” (Punjabi Suba – The Story of Struggle, Ajit Singh Sarhaddi, Pg. 389). During the meeting in 1961 with Master Tara Singh Nehru lost his sense and threatened Sikhs by saying “Enough is enough. If you do not stop your protests, I will teach you a hard lesson that you will not forget for many generations to come.” (Sikhs in History, Sangat Singh, Pg. 306)

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After all the polemics of Nehru were answered he closed the case by saying, “How can I entrust power to the enemy?”(Sikhs in History, Sangat Singh, Pg. 308)

This truly showed the real face of the Hindu leadership. The threat to the safety of Sikhs living in other Indian states was clearly given by the Indian leaders and Sikhs were called enemy of the country. Why is it that no violence or riots took place when states were reorganized in the south? Sikh demand was solely for a Punjabi speaking state not for the greater autonomy for the Sikhs. Then why only Sikhs were being threatened instead of Punjabis that included Hindus and Muslims? This was all because the government had ill intentions against the Sikhs and anything that remotely benefitted the Sikhs directly or indirectly was opposed by the government to the highest degree. On one hand, Hindus were asking for their safety in Punjab where they were never in danger in the first place but on the other hand the same Hindus were threatening Sikhs to kick them out of other states and providing no safeguards to them.

Truth or Misconception

Hindu media and opposition parties had spread many misconceptions about the Sikhs. Although their main motive was to destroy Sikhism and its roots but they were hesitant to openly admit it. Also, large Hindu population could not be won over for this reason. So they resorted to making excuses and blaming Sikhs for trying to further divide India. Hindus were given the impression that Sikhs were demanding a separate Sikh State in which Hindus will be oppressed. But this misconception was uneducated, without any concrete evidence and far from the truth. There has never been a single incident of Sikhs oppressing or being hostile to Hindus in 500 years of Sikh history. In fact, Hindus have always been on the opposing side of the Sikhs. The fact that 62% of the people in Punjab were Hindus was greatly ignored by the Hindu leaders. It was highly irrational to believe that a tiny population of less than 2% in the country could ever oppress Hindus who were majority in India as well as in Punjab. Further, they ruled the country, controlled the military, formed majority in rest of the states, government was theirs and Congress was the ruling party in Punjab. The only way Sikhs could gain political power in Punjab was if they won the majority vote which was not possible due to Hindu supporting Congress. Therefore, Sikhs could never have oppressed Hindus even if they wanted to. It is evident that such misconception was spread to cause hatred and division between Hindus and the Sikh nation. The initial demand of the Sikhs was to setup a State in which Punjabi would be the primary language irrespective of the population in it

During an interview, Fateh Singh made it clear that “We do not want a Sikh majority State. We do not care about percentage of the Sikh population. We just want a state where Punjabi would be spoken as the primary language. All areas speaking Punjabi should be included. Whether Sikhs are in majority or minority should not serve as a factor in this matter.” (Punjabi Suba – The Story of Struggle, Ajit Singh Sarhaddi, Pg. 346)

During one of the speeches, Master Tara Singh openly said, “I do not demand a separate Sikh state nor have I ever been in its favor. I simply want equality and freedom of the Sikh nation in India.” (Ibid, Pg. 319)

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According to historian Ajmer Singh:

“For Hindu leaders the main factor was not whether the demand of Punjabi State was just or unjust or whether it benefits the Sikhs or not but how to destroy and eradicate the distinct identity of the Sikhs.” (Sikh Politics in 20thCentury, Ajmer Singh, Pg. 119)

- See more at: http://centralsikhmu...h.qZJnM7Gv.dpuf

The demand for a Punjabi speaking state was constitutional and valid from every aspect. It was based on the same rules that created Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Kerala. But Hindus feared that they will not be a dominant force in the new state since Sikhs would make up 42% and will not be a minority anymore. Thus, making it more difficult for the Hindus to dominate and slowly eradicate the Sikh religion. (Tale of Blue Turban, Giani Laal Singh, 102)

Sikhs leaders and some educated Hindus had very well realized that raising misconceptions against Punjabi State was only an excuse of the fascist Hindus and Hindu media when the real fact was that they did not favor any area which would benefit Sikhs, their language (Punjabi) and safeguard their distinct identity. Indian leaders and Nehru started questioning the loyalty of the Sikhs by stating that the sole purpose of creating a Punjabi State was to divide the country and that later Sikhs would join Pakistan and endanger the unity of India. Many educated people and some journalists tried to persuade Hindu leaders to accept the demand of the Sikhs. According to them not accepting the demand would be the real threat to the unity of the country.

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Especially in Punjab, Congress and its supporters have always looked upon Sikhs as their enemy. No Indian leader has ever tried to understand the Sikh problems. Sikhs have no choice but to demand a Punjabi State. They wish to safeguard their distinct identity, language and religion. Setting up a Punjabi State is the solution to the Sikh problem. (Times of India, 15 August 1951)

It has become crystal clear that the demand for Punjabi State is being looked upon as unconstitutional and conspiracy of Pakistan by the large Hindu population. Many Indian leaders have openly admitted that establishing Punjabi State means empowering Sikhs which will endanger the unity of the country. Nehru further supported this ludicrously by saying that Sikhs may join Pakistan and pose threat to India. From these statements it means only one thing that the majority wants to keep minority as a slave. What do we learn from the Sikh history? That not a single Sikh joined the Mughals against Hindus but at many occasions Hindus joined the Mughals in exterminating the Sikhs. The fact is that we should resolve these matters with peace and harmony otherwise falsely accusing Sikhs would alienate the Sikh community which would lead to another division of the country. (Spokesman, 22 April 1951)

In my personal opinion, instead of opposing the Sikh demand, Hindus should be encouraged to adopt the Punjabi language and support the demand for Punjabi State. This would not only be the largest State in the north but also strongest and richest in India. This would solidify India’s borders and protect it from its foreign enemies. Economically, this state would largely benefit the entire country. Hindus shouldn’t oppose the Sikhs but support them otherwise they will be directly responsible for dividing the country and making a way for a separate Sikh State which can be stopped right now very easily. (Professor Om Parkash Kohal, 17 October 1951)

Despite all the efforts, Indian leaders and Hindus did not change their mentality and kept opposing the Sikhs. Seeing the opposition of the Hindus, Sikh leaders became aware that Sikh identity would not be safe unless an area consisting of Sikh majority was established. They started to raise their demand for an autonomous area for the Sikhs which was promised by the Indian leaders prior to independence. Gurcharan Singh Tohra stated, “We are separate from Hindus…We demand a State where we can safeguard our heritage and culture.” This was further supported by Master Tara Singh. He said, “Our main motive is to free Sikhs from the slavery of Hindus…We demand a state where Sikhs will have the right to self-determination.” (Sikh Politics in 20th Century, Ajmer Singh, Pg. 120).

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Therefore, the demand from establishing a linguistic state was changed to establishing a Sikh state within the Indian Union where Sikhs would be the majority population.

In 1947, India was partitioned which caused largest migration of population and the worst riots in the history. More than half of Punjab was given to Pakistan and rest remained in India. Sikhs had no choice but to leave Pakistan and migrate to India. More than 2 million Sikhs were killed, property worth millions was burnt and destroyed and about 175 Gurdwaras were left behind. All of this had a great impact on the Sikh nation majority of which had been left homeless in new India where the new government did little to nothing to help them settle down. Although Sikhs had made a great sacrifice and lost major portion of their religious places and history, they were full of hope and were looking forward to finally live free way of life and exercise the right to self-determination. Unfortunately, this hope did not last long and Sikhs had to get ready for yet another long struggle with the new regime.

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Unfulfilled Promises and Sikhs in New India

Prior to independence, Indian leaders had made numerous promises to the Sikhs such as setting up a state in the north part of the country where Sikhs would enjoy freedom. Three major promises were made to the Sikh nation, which were systematically broken.

1) First promise was that Congress will not pass any resolution that did not please the Sikhs.

“…in future, the Congress shall accept no constitution which does not meet with the satisfaction of the Sikhs” (The Lahore session of the Congress Party. December 31, 1929 cited in Sikh Politics, K.L. Tuteja, Pg. 168) “I ask you to accept my word and the Resolution of the Congress that it will not betray a single individual much less a community. If it ever thinks of doing so, it would only hasten to its own doom. I pray you to unbosom yourself of all doubts and apprehensions. Let God be the witness of the bond that binds me and the Congress with you (the Sikhs). I venture to suggest that the non-violence creed of the congress is the surest guarantee of good faith, and our Sikh friends have no reason to fear that it would betray them. For the moment it does so, the congress would not only thereby seal its own doom but that of the country too. (M. K. Gandhi, Communal Unity, pg. 165-167)

The congress assures Sikhs that no solution in any future constitution will be acceptable to the congress that does not give them full satisfaction. (Indian constitution documents, Vol. 11, By A. C. Banerjee)

After 1947, this promise was not kept. On October 10, 1947 Sikhs were branded as “lawless people”, called upon to forget about their distinct appearance and submit themselves under Hindu laws.

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The Sikhs are a lawless people and a menace to the law abiding Hindus … The [Government] should take strict measures against them.” (Pandit Nehru, Indian Prime Minister)

Furthermore, Article 25 was added in the constitution specifically stating that Sikhism was a sect of Hinduism. No Sikh approved the constitution but regardless it was adopted by the Indian government.

2) Second promise was made to setup a state in the north where Sikhs would have the right to self-determination.

The main purpose of creating linguistic states is that the culture, language and script of minority of the linguistic area shall be protected. (Resolution passed by Congress in Calcultta, 1937)

Redistribution of provincial boundaries is essential and inevitable. I stand for same autonomous unit as well. If Sikh desire to function as such a unit, I should like them to have a same autonomous in the province so that they may have a sense of freedom. (Jawaharlal Nehru, 1945)

“…the brave Sikhs of Punjab are entitled to special considerations. I see nothing wrong in an area set up in the North of India wherein, the Sikhs can also experience the glow of freedom.” (Jawahar Lal Nehru, Lahore Bulletin, January 9, 1930)

Indian leaders not only backed out on this promise but regarded this demand as a threat to the unity of the country.

The congress found itself in a dilemma, to concede to Akali demand would mean abandoning a position to which it was firmly committed and letting down its Hindu supporters in the Punjabi Suba. The merits were no consideration, as the policy of the Congress, as enunciated in 1949 by Jawahar Lal, Vallabh Bhai and Patta Bhai Sitaramayyia had been not to concede reorganization of North India whatever the merit of such a proposal might be. (My Truth, Indira Gandhi, 117)

I can afford civil war in the country but not Punjabi State. (Jawaharlal Nehru)

We are aware that Sikhs have suffered greatly before and after 1947 but we have come to the conclusion that granting them any special rights such as an autonomous area is not reasonable. (Sikh Politics of 20th Century, Ajmer Singh, Pg. 144)

Creating a Punjabi linguistic state meant prospering of the Sikh nation which no Indian leader let alone a Hindu approved of.

3) The third promise was made to provide security and safeguarding minorities.

Adequate safeguards would be provided for monitories —- it was a declaration, a pledge and an understanding before the world, a contract with millions of Indians, and therefore, in the nature of an oath, which we must keep. (Framing of Indian Constitution, B. Shiva Rao, Pg 181)

In the divided Indian Punjab, special constitutional measures are imperative to meet the aspirations and rights of the Sikhs. (Legislative Assembly, 1947)

This promise was forgotten just like the above two. Instead, statements were released to make India a Hindu country where minorities will have to either live as second class citizens or merge themselves in the Hindu majority.

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According to Mahaveer Tyagi, “We do not believe in kicking the minority groups out of the country. Instead, our desire is to change their religion and convert them all to Hinduism.” (Sikhs in History, Sangat Singh, Pg. 249)

I do not like the word “minority” (Aeengar)

When Pakistan was created at the time of partition it became crystal clear that there remained only one community (Hindus) in India. (Vallabh Bhai Patel)

When the British left, no promise was kept by the Indian leaders.

The Sikhs felt that since they had made more sacrifices for independence than other communities and had suffered a great deal during partition, the Congress would consider their demands sincerely and grant them special rights as promised by the Indian leaders. But, the Congress acted the opposite, ignored all the promises and turned against the Sikhs……Sikhs were insulted by the media and opposed by the Hindu community. Hindus started discriminating against Sikhs and abandoned Punjabi. (Tale of Blue Turban, Giani Laal Singh, 100)

The so-called democracy only existed in papers and was never put into practice. The Sikh nation felt agitated, uncomfortable and trapped in the chains of new slavery. This further solidified their doubts when they started to face discrimination at the hands of the government and Hindu public. From 72% to 96% high government jobs were occupied by the Hindu majority in Punjab. The army enlistment became dependent upon population instead of merit. This decreased Sikh enlistment from 40% to 1.2%. The situation of Sikhs in Punjab is very well described by Dr. Harjinder Singh Dilgeer:

Hindus had started to make insulting jokes on Sikhs, discriminate against them in every profession and attack innocent Sikhs on numerous occasions. Especially in the cities of Punjab, it had become extremely difficult for Sikhs to live a peaceful life. (Punjabi Suba Morcha, Dr Harjinder Singh Dilgeer, Pg. 6)

Violence of Hindus had increased significantly in Punjab so much so that they attacked Sikh procession held in the memory of Guru Gobind Singh Ji. Stones and home made acid bombs were thrown at the procession causing injury to several Sikhs. Seeing all of this, the police took no action and let the perpetrators run free. This further enraged the Sikh community.

The Indian government had also reorganized the states on languages basis in the south. Kerala, Tamil and other states had been created on language basis but nothing was done in the north. Sikhs felt betrayed and raised their demand for setting up a Punjabi State in which Punjabi language would serve as the primary language of the state and Sikhs would have an autonomous area. This demand led to the struggle for Punjabi State.

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I have spent hours to do the research before making that request and also to expose amarjeet as a bigoted distortionist (euphemism for liar). How about you? just one plagiarized line?

No I did not spent hours researching (as in "re" "searching") history. History that has already been established. For me our (Sikh) history is unparalleled in the world and that is enough (you will not understand why). There could be a billion (repeat billion) people like you trying to prove otherwise but as long as there is one Sikh around, people like you will be running in all directions. What you are dealing with is your own insecurity. Also let me tell you that all your research is highly flawed. Maybe you may not be realizing it, but you are a supremacist and a fascist. The kind that has plagued mankind forever. You and the likes of you. This is all very evident from your opinion about Sikhs. You cannot look beyond Kushwant Singh when you have to refer a Sikh author on Sikh history.

Now let us take a look at yourself when you came to this forum. (I had also joined around that time and so remember). There was an excellent discussion on Guru Nanak Dev Ji's new found udasis. Great points were raised on the validity and possible invalidity of this new research. And then you come in and slowly derail the whole topic. This is what happens when you talk. You just crap all over the place and people stop anything that they are discussing and start cleaning your nonsense. This behavior (YOUR behavior) and mindset, if we can extrapolate to rest of people (like you) in Punjab and we can clearly say where the problems are originating from.

The fact is you and your likes are caught in your own web and now do not know how to get out.

Enough said.

Edited by OnPathToSikhi
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History has been established.... which history has been and established by whom? there is one sikh.... yawwwwwwn! and you are calling ME a Supremacist!! just because i proved the delusionary monologue of your fellow bubble-artist to be ...a bubble?

no time for such moronic dribble.

Your "hours of research" turns out to be a microseconds google search - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahavir_Tyagi

Lying as always. Such is your research based upon.

Mind starting from the first line of the post, sentence by sentence, word to word ...

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I have spent hours to do the research before making that request and also to expose amarjeet as a bigoted distortionist (euphemism for liar). How about you? just one plagiarized line?

Amazing, your imbecilic quotient has been proven more than once on this forum, yet you still retain your urge to point fingers. Please forgive us that we do not subscribe to a fascist ideology which aims to absorb other more unique tracts via a subtle osmosis, because it possesses nothing of value itself. You are nothing more than an idiot whose so called monologues and researches are based on nothing more than nationalistic rants and falsities. As such, this is not your fault but a sheer phenotype of your entire kind. Already your lies are being answered on this forum, what more is there for you to do other than show your despicable belief by pointing fingers. Nothing more than a delusional Hindu, whose very creed is based on nothing more than hypocrisy.

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Fanatic hindu will not talk about anti Sikh violence but will defend fakes just like he was praising Marathas . Hey Fanatic more is coming be prepared .

Since its independence India has vehemently been trying to project

itself as a secular state with equal rights to all religious minorities,

but is it so? Have the religious minorities lived as comfortably in

India as portrayed by its successive leaders and governments. An

analysis of Indian Psyche, her social and political milieu depicts the

other side of the horizon, which is bleak, and gruesome — a far cry from

the truth. The simmering waves of Hindu fundamentalism in the recent

years have posed a serious threat to the entire Indian nationhood; the

Muslims, the Sikhs, the Dalits, the Christians, the Budhs and all other

minorities, who have become victim of Indian Hindutava. The Hindu

fundamentalists in the garb of Hindu revivalism emphasize the teaching

of Vedas, which describes Dalits (the low caste Hindus) as the

untouchables. They are only to perform menial jobs. The other religious

minorities are no better.

Caste System – Dalit vs. Brahmins

India is unique as regards its caste system is concerned. It is like a

pyramid. While the Brahmin is sitting on the top, the scheduled castes

(SCs) are at the lowest level of the socio-economic ladder. The SCs and

scheduled tribes (STs) which constitute 15.75 % and 9.12 % of the total

population respectively, are commonly known as Harijans (children of god

- A name given by M.K Gandhi). They are also called Dalits, (Hindi word

for “oppressed”). There are more than 150 million Dalits who

constitute one fifth of India’s population. The Dalits and Harijans

are regarded as untouchables and treated as sub-human. They are deprived

of all the basic rights. There is no law which could provide protection

to these down- trodden against inhuman treatment of the upper caste

Hindus. In the so called secular India, a Dalit is not supposed to wear

a shirt, cap or shoes in the presence of a Brahmin. He must pass with

his head bowed and hands folded through the streets inhabited by upper

class Hindus. Dalits have separate wells for drinking water, separate

hotels for food and tea. There are frequent cases of poor Dalit girls

being kidnapped and gang-raped by high class Hindu boys. A Dalit

pollutes the house of a Brahman, but a frail and a helpless Dalit girl

is just a toy of joy for Thakurs, Brahmins and their henchmen. They draw

pleasure and satisfy their animal instinct by humiliating a Dalit girl.

Recently the statue of a renowned Dalit leader Dr. Ambedkar (an

architect of Indian constitution) was disfigured, and a number of Dalits

who protested against this desecration of their leader, were killed by

police. Many Dalits who converted to Christianity and embraced Islam

experienced that these two religious minorities were subjected to even

worst treatment.

At the other extreme are the upper castes who constitute approximately

10% of the total population. Most prominent of this upper stratum of the

society are the Brahmins who are a mere 3.5% of the total Indian

population. According to a report quoted by Khushwant Singh, they held

3% of all posts in 1935, which increased to 70% in 1982. In the senior

echelons of the civil services from the ranks of deputy secretaries

upwards, out of 500, there are 310 Brahmins i.e. 63%; out of 26 state

chief secretaries 19 are Brahmins; of 98 vice-chancellors 50 are

Brahmins; of 438 district magistrates, 250 are Brahmins; and out the

total of 3300 IAS officers, 2376 are Brahmins. A Dalit politician in

Tamil Nadu said, “The Dalit would rather die than live without self

respect”. Upper-caste Hindu landlords, often in league with local

police, keep the Dalits at bay under most uncivilised conditions. Their

plight in the rural areas is pathetic to the extent that they are

running from pillar to post for minimum self-respect and security. They

want to live without being humiliated and harassed.

According to a report prepared by the chairman India’s Commission for

Scheduled castes and Scheduled Tribes, Hanuman Thapa, “There has been an

increase in atrocities committed on members of the SCs and STs in

Maharashtra. As many as 2,500 cases of atrocities are pending in courts

besides 3647 cases which are under investigation at various levels”.

Dalit International Newsletter of Jun 97 reveals, that the untouchables

are victims of atrocities which include murders, grievous hurt, arson

and rape. The report further adds that during 1989 the figure of these

crimes was 19422; in 1990, 21245; during 1991, 22424 and during 1995 the

figure rose to 35262. In Chundur (Andhra Pradesh) upper caste Hindus

slaughtered innocent Dalits, put their body pieces in gunny bags and

threw them away. In an interview to the “Hindustan Times”, former UP

minister and founder- president of State Bahojan Samaj Party ( BSP), Raj

Bahadur, stated that the Dalits had been deprived even of their

fundamental rights, which led them to abandon Hinduism. They are treated

worse than animals. Even the constitutional provisions have failed to

ensure their fundamental rights. They had been deprived of education,

security, property and health by the upper caste – dominating Hindus.

A horrifying report by UK based “Dalit Atrocity Committee of 1992

reveals that in October 1992 in village Kumber (Rajisthan), over 6000

upper caste Hindus from 45 villages gathered at a Chaumanda Devi temple

with the intention to teach them (Dalits) a lesson. These included

politicians and a superintendent of police. Armed with weapons they

killed 60 Dalits in a Dalit village. They used soaked rags with petrol

and burnt them alive besides demolishing their houses. They gang-raped

women and mutilated their genitals. Recently in Jul 97, upper caste

police shot dead 10 Dalits in Ramabai, Ambedkar colony at Ghatkopar,

Bombay, and wounded several others. According to the Indian media

reports, a considerable number of Dalits have embraced Islam in southern

India. This conversion is due to their disenchantment with false

promises made by Hindu leaders to improve their lot. The only course

left open for them to shake off their misfortune was enmasse conversion

to Islam – a religion of peace, equality and tolerance.

Communal tension – Sikhs vs. Punjabi Hindus

The Sikhs under the leadership of Master Tara Singh strongly opposed the

partition of India in 1947. A new communal tension arose at the first

census in 1961, when large number of Punjabi Hindus declared Hindi as

their mother tongue, even though most of them could not speak the

language. The attempts of Punjabi-Hindu organisation to make Punjabi

Hindus give false particulars of their mother tongue, further enhanced

Sikh fears. In the united Punjab, the Sikhs could have held a balance of

power between the Hindus and the Muslims, but after the partition of

Punjab, they were reduced to the position of a minority. They hoped that

the Congress government, would be generous enough to accommodate them

and provide them equal opportunities in every sphere of life, which

proved to be a nightmare.

Punjabi Suba. Jawaharlal Nehru at the beginning of 1947 said that there

was nothing wrong in conceding, “A political area in northern India,

where the Sikhs might also freely experience the glow of freedom”. When

the plea for a Sikh state within India was criticized as communal, the

Akali Dal put forward an alternative demand of creating a Punjabi-

speaking state. With the creation of a new Andhra Pardesh State on Oct

1, 1953 the demand for linguistic realignment of state boundaries became

popular. Due to increasing sentiments of the public, the government of

India constituted a State Reorganization Commission in Dec 1953, which

rejected the demand of Punjabi speaking state. It was taken by the Sikhs

as a breach of the commonly held and deeply cherished secular ideals.

This was all the more infuriating to the Sikhs, when the principle of

demarcation of state boundaries on a linguistic basis was accepted by

the government and implemented everywhere in India, the sole exception

being Punjab. In respect of their demand, they were perturbed as to why

the wishes of the Hindu minority (45 %) should prevail over the Sikh

majority (55 %). Jawaharlal Nehru strongly opposed the demand of a

Punjabi-speaking state. After his death on 27th May 1964, Lal Bahadur

Shastri, the new Prime Minister appointed a parliamentary committee in

Oct 1965, under the chairmanship of Sardar Hukam Singh, the speaker of

the lower House to look into the issue of “Punjabi Suba”. But Shastri

also continued the policy of Nehru and was deadly against the by-passed

the committee and forestalled its report. Making the 1961 census as the

basis and the Tehsil ( instead of village) as the unit was a deliberate

design to punish the Sikhs. The demarcation was done on communal rather

than on a linguistic basis. Consequently merit was again ignored and

justice denied. It not only increased tension between the two

communities, but also led to grave situation and communal rioting,

instigated by the Hindu revivalist “Jan Singh”. To defuse the situation,

the demand of Punjabi suba was accepted under the Punjabi Reorganization

Act, 1966. However, it was found highly unsatisfactory by the Sikh

leadership, who alleged that the Suba was much smaller in size than what

facts would have determined.

Operation Blue Star – 1984. The 6 Jun, army operation on the holiest

shrine of Sikh religion – Amritsar’s Golden temple, on the orders of

then Prime Minister Mrs Indra Gandhi, highly annoyed the Sikh community.

To them it was beyond belief that the Golden Temple – the very symbol of

their faith, could be desecrated by the armed forces of a free and the

so called secular India. For the last 400 years this temple had been a

symbol of Sikh strength, pride and self respect. Therefore, 6 June

assault was taken as an attack on the Sikh faith and religion. The

extremist Sikh leader, Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala and his followers

died defending the sanctity of their holy place. The five Sikh head

priests declared 15 July “Martyrs Day” for those who laid down their

lives defending the Golden Temple.

Besides the general humiliation suffered at hand of the army, there were

two fostering sores. First, the attitude of local Hindus (they account

for about 48% of million population), who welcomed the army action and

celebrated by distributing sweets as if attending a festival. They feted

the troops as if they had just won a victory in a war. Second, the

Indian government and official media also projected that the Sikhs as a

whole were seeking secession, backed by foreign power, and that India’s

unity was threatened if the army crack-down on Golden Temple was not

undertaken. The Sikhs had been the trusted soldiers of the Indian Army.

Operation “Blue Star” frustrated and demoralized Sikh community to such

an extent that Sikh soldiers rebelled and the then Indian Chief of Army

Staff Gen A.S. Vaidya had to appear on national TV and Radio to

broadcast an appeal to Sikh soldiers saying, “Do not believe rumours

being spread to undermine the confidence in your leaders and

comrades-in-arms”. An unusual move and the one implying some uncertainty

in the normal chain of command to enforce discipline.

Indian Muslims

The Muslims of India, who make about 12 percent of 960 million

population, are the largest oppressed minority in the so called secular

India. These Indian Muslims are being treated as second class citizens.

In those parts of India where the Muslims were in majority, enjoying

superior social and economic status for centuries, special police force

was created to suppress them. The local Hindu population was encouraged

to instigate communal riots in which Muslims were not allowed to protect

themselves and were subjected to merciless torture and cruelties.

According to Jai Prakash Naraian, “The Muslim population has been so

much cowed and demoralized that they are not acting according to their

convictions. They are afraid that if they expressed their real feelings,

their loyalty will be suspected”. A prominent Hindu writer S. Harrison

claims that, “Hindus have a natural right to rule in modern India as a

form of long overdue retribution for the sins of the Mughal overlords”.

Anti- Muslim Riots. Since its very inception India has witnessed Hindu

Muslim riots which belies the claim of religious harmony and secular

stance of the successive Indian governments. In the recent anti-Muslim

riots in Mumbai (Maharashtra), armed marauders of the “Army of Shiva”

inflicted death and destruction on terrorized Muslims, with the police

often conniving with the Hindu extremists in the killings of Muslims.

Recent reports in some Indian newspapers show that the notorious

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh ( R.S.S) for whose Muslim-baiting gurus

master-minded the murder of Gandhiji in 1948, have built a power-base in

the ruling caucus of the BJP. The R.S.S. for whom a united India (Akhand

Bharat) is an article of faith, wants the BJP in case it sweeps power in

1998 elections, to run India as a Hindu state and leash the Muslim

minority.

Writing in “Hindustan Times,” of 31 July 97, a Hindu Journalist, C.P.

Bhambhri comments, “The BJP, RSS, VHP and other allied organisations,

without any shadow of doubt, re using the culture and history of India

to promote the concept of Hindu nation which was a victim of Muslim

rulers and their purpose is to consolidate Hinduism around a specific

religious ethos selectively chosen by political leaders”. He further

comments, “The BJP hate list of Muslims continues to unify the Hindus

against their religious enemy as revealed by Indian history. The BJP

will like to re-write the Constitution for establishing a strong Hindu

state”. The BJP advocates Hindvata, an India based on Hindu culture,

though it claims to respect other religions. Many, especially India’s

large Muslim minority, are concerned about the BJP coming to office.

They remember it as the party responsible for the 1992 destruction of

the 16th century Babri Masque in Ayodhya (UP), which led to bloody Hindu

- Muslim riots.

Hindu Claim on Kaaba. Inspite of half hearted efforts made by Indian

authorities during the last fifty years, the question of the Muslim

minority continues to be complex, critical and in many ways unresolved

due to growing influence of the Hindu fundamentalist parties. Every

communal riot has contributed to the creation of the siege mentality and

the feelings of social outsider among the Muslims. The moving accounts

in the book of M.J Akbar “Riot after Riot” published in 1988 leads one

to conclude that the problem of Physical insecurity really haunts the

Muslim community. Every assertion of the forces of Hinduvata and retreat

of secular political formations have strengthened the feelings of

insecurity among the Muslims. Khalful-Suleman, in an article titled

“Kashmir is the first defence line against Hindu march,” published in

“Al-Bilad” of Saudi Arabia, dated 3 Feb 98 opines, “During the past 50

years, there has been tremendous human rights violations and desecration

of Muslim shrines and mosques in Kashmir.” Referring to Hindu designs

versus Islam, he further adds that, “Hindu writers in their books have

claimed that the Holy Kaaba was in fact a Hindu temple of Rama, which

was occupied by the Muslims’ prophet and changed into a Muslim place”.

The Hindu authors claim that this is essential for the Hindus to

retrieve Kaaba from the Muslims.

Rise of BJP and its Aganda

The Bhartia Janata Party is the strongest political party in today’s

India. Its ideological roots go back to 1925 when RSS came into being as

a Hindu revivalist organisation on non political basis. In 1951, the

emergence of Jana Sangh was its political birth which merged with the

amorphous Janata, a conglomeration of diverse parties to fight the

Congress of secular ideology. In Apr 1980 Jana Sangh group of the Janta

decided to re-emerge under its present name of BJP. The BJP had an

advantage over Jana Sangh in that it was more respectable and acceptable

to the masses. In addition, it had grown to become a national party in

real sense. It started to capitalize on the killing of Hindus by the

Sikhs and the mass conversion of Hindus to Islam in Tamil Nadu in 1982.

It was during this period that the BJP made itself financially sound

with the help of contributions from Non -Resident Indians (NRIs) and by

bringing to its fold a part of the Indian bourgeoisie and feudal who

used to be the backbone of Swatantra Party. Even after discouraging

results of 1984 elections, the BJP went on consolidating its position

with the help of RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal combine. It fully exploited

the weakness of Hindu masses by concentrating on the issue of restoring

Hindu temples, with the Ramjanambhoomi Mandir heading the list. This

offensive was combined with the anti- Congress (I) and anti-Rajiv

campaigns. The Shah Bano case was a testimony to the Congress (I)’s

concern over the ever growing strength of the BJP. How successful were

these tactics and strategies of the BJP?

This was conspicuously apparent in the election results of 1989, where

after it is a story of march toward victory. Its political ascendancy in

quick succession from a mere 12 seats in the Lok Sabha in 1984 to 88

seats in the Nov 89 elections and to 123 in the May 1991 elections and

about 250 to 255 seats in 1998 elections, is seen by a faction of the

Indian society as a challenge to the secular basis of the Indian

constitution, as well as to the image by which India wants to be known

in the international comity of nations. The phasing out of the so-called

secular forces like Congress and emergence of Hindu fundamentalist

forces like BJP is a clear manifestation that India is likely to become

a Brahmanic state, with no rights for minorities in near future.

BJP vs. Indian Minorities

The spectacular rise of BJP, since its formation in 1980 in Indian

politics is an unfortunate event for Indian minorities. The party is not

only anti-Muslim but it is determined to establish a strong Hindu state.

In 1990, its president, Lal Krishna Advani toured the country in a

chariot (Rath Yatra), calling on Hindus to destroy the historical Babri

Mosque in Ayodhya – a Muslim landmark built on the birth place of the

Hindu god (Ram). After a mob razed the Mosque on 6 Dec 1992, Hindu

-Muslim riots spread throughout the country and the BJP’s strength grew.

Six years after the party goaded Hindu mobs into destroying the Babri

Mosque, the BJP still demands that a temple of Ram be built on the site.

Sometime its leaders opine that they would put up the new structure only

after some kind of consensus with Muslims. But recently its hard liner

and militant leaders changed their stance in the rallies of Hindu masses

and again pledged to built a magnificent temple, thus creating an alarm

of communal violence. The Muslims fear that under a BJP government,

their separate laws on marriage, divorce and inheritance would be

scrapped. The slaughter of cow, which is sacred to Hindus, will be

banned. K.S Sudarshan, joint general secretary of the RSS opines, ”

There are other meats for Muslims to eat”. He further states, “For too

long the Muslims have been appeased. They divided our country and now

they are demanding job reservations. Hindus are blamed whenever the

Muslims start trouble”. The BJP’s manifesto, released in the second week

of Feb 98, pounded home its commitment to, “One nation, one people and

one culture”. The BJP has grown and thrived on divisive politics. As

discussed earlier the party is an arm of the RSS, a secretive group of

militants who aim to transform secular India into a Hindu state. From

moderator like Vojpayee to hard-liner like Advani, all are members of

the RSS, a disciplined civilian militia that fights for the cause of

Hindu nationalism with about 1 million active members. The RSS is

interested only in creating ideal Hindu citizens, yet its

ultra-nationalist regiments, wearing khaki shorts and white shirts,

represent the ideal of a decidedly militant kind of citizenship. The

BJP’s extended family also includes the Wishwa Hindu Praishad (WHP), a

group of religious extremists who help finance political operations and

enforce ideological purity. BJP takes up the Hindu cause by supporting

WHP’s stand to retrieve 300 Muslim places of worship and convert them

into Hindu temples.

Sum Up

The Hindu politics since the partition of India in 1947 has been based

on three different themes. First, that the Muslims were responsible for

vivisection of Mother India, hence they are anti-national. Added to this

are their “historical grievances” against Muslims, which makes the

situation really pathetic. Second, Nehru and the Congress accepted the

Muslims demand of Partition, and later introduced secularism in India to

appease the minorities, that is why Hindus have every right to fight

against the Congress for their rights. Third, is the dream of Hindu

Rashtra (Hindu State), which will satisfy the demands and rights of the

Hindu majority. In other words the ultimate desire of Hindu majority

seems to fulfil the dream of Ram Rajya (Ram’s rule). The BJP’s

manifesto, though much changed and reformed, still revolves around the

same objective. India is totally a closed society, fundamentalist in

nature, with secularism as a front piece to deceive the world community.

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"lying..."...ok.

I would refrain from calling you names as it's a privilege reserved for only those who present their hatred dressed as 'factual history' and refuse to admit that they have used gross misinformation to make whole community (Hindus) look like Sikh-haters and, as Amarjeet has called me, "fascists".

coming back to you comment, you seem to have missed this part in my comment:

".............

In Uttar Pradesh politics Tyagi was known as a "Rafian", that is, an associate of Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, the famous Indian nationalist Muslim. (See M. Hashim Kidwai, Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, New Delhi, 1986, pp 215–216)"

(quoted from Wiki along where the original sources were given).

I understand you could have missed it out in your excitement to proclaim me as a liar and (intellectually) dishonest.

I spent hours in research as I went through volumes of Constituent Assembly Debates (as search on that portal is not possible) to find out more about mahavir Tyagi.

http://parliamentofindia.nic.in/ls/debates/debates.htm

I also researched books available online in part or fully to check if MT could have made a statement which was (wrongly in my opinion) attributed by Amrjeet. I could not find anything. On the contrary, Tyagi emerged as a 'hardcore' secularist who urged Hindus to give up their Hinduness and gave orders for higher recruitment of Muslims (source CAD) in the Indian army.

After all this eye-opening research, I was waiting for one comment of appreciation. nope, i got banned for investing my precious time in research.

In the conclusion of my comment, realising that Amarjeet could have got carried away I wrote:

What MT actually stood for (Hindus losing Hinduships) is in total contrast to what Amarjit is claiming. I would urge him to come clean on this issue and apologise slandering a true secular nationalist or accept at least that he has got carried away and quoted from poorly researched works of the known (to use euphemism) dishonest intellectuals like sangat singh and Dilgeer".

In the beginning of my comment I had also written:

The truth is totally in contrast. I have conducted brief research on this person and have found the following facts (which can be challenged and I would be happy to provide more details and apologise if i am proven wrong)"

How nimana and truthful i can get?

Instead of my finding an error in my well-researched response (and stopping Amarjeet from posting such unverified quotes/facts), you have banned me!!!

Mods, where did I go wrong?

Pathetic and you promote yourself to be an adult? Stop whinging and get back to pre-school. It might educate you in factuality.

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Before I ever saw Master Tara Singh in person, I had started subscribing to his magazine Sant Sipahi. I first met Master Tara Singh in the house of a relative in Muktsar where he had come for a public meeting. I considered meeting him quite a privilege. I took photographs of him with my father and younger brother. He sat chatting there for some time and thereafter left. I developed the film myself at the school photographic club and printed it in many ways providing several kinds of margins. A year or so later I went to Amritsar to pay respects at the Darbar and also met Tara Singh in his office which was within the Darbar Sahib premises. He was sitting on a string-cot and writing letters. A small tin box from which he was drawing his writing material was lying next to him. I took a photograph of him. It turned out very well and came to be much used. This was the year 1960 when he was preparing for a big battle ahead. I offered my services for what they were worth. He looked at me very kindly and advised me to first finish my education and then think of such things; ‘otherwise the people will think that you were afraid of facing the tenth class exams and had strayed into politics. Finish your education. Do well in all the examinations and come to me after that.’ I hardly knew anything about the travails of political life but had a desire to be seen in the service of the people. I have thought much about the incident since. A lesser person would have grabbed at the opportunity of gaining an unpaid servant. I remained ever grateful for the sound advice that he had given me on the occasion. It enhanced my respect for him.

There was a poetry recitation session in the school hall to which several Hindi poets had been invited. This was during the days when the Master was talking about the Punjabi Suba in all seriousness. I had noticed a lot of hatred for him and for the Sikhs in general in the air. I had to face jeers and hostility on many fronts. At the Ambala railway station the clerk issuing the tickets had treated all the Sikhs in the queue most contemptuously. He made us all step aside so that he could issue tickets to the Hindus first. He ignored my requests to do so in turn because I and my younger brother were in the danger of missing our train to Dehra Dun and had nowhere to go. He turned to everybody in general and said, ‘look at these Sikhs! They want a Punjabi Suba and also cannot do without a railway ticket.’ I did not quite see the logic he was trying to propound but had to comply with his orders. During this period, I found that my best friend of long standing at the school, who was a Dogra from a well-educated Jammu based family, had suddenly turned against me most virulently. This was one of the experiences of my childhood that left me completely confused about human relations.

Most of the poets at the recitation evening were very sensible but several were seen to be taking pleasure in ridiculing the Sikhs. One who drew the most applause from the audience of which some school boys were a part, earned it by comparing Master Tara Singh to a donkey. In western culture this animal is assumed to be very wise but on the Indian sub-continent it is presumed to be low on intelligence. I was amongst the few Sikhs in the hall and I felt utterly helpless and thoroughly insulted. The short shrunken man who made the comparison, was perhaps a chain smoker, for he went out quite often and was seen puffing away at cheap, foul-smelling cigarettes. No elevated or decent thought was to be expected of such a person, but we did feel isolated and disgusted. Particularly painful were the merry outbursts of our schoolmates. More than anything else, we were surprised since this aspect of their personality had always remained hidden from view. We at once understood why our leaders were trying to carve out a niche to safeguard the Sikhs from being inundated in the sea of hatred welling up all around. The prevailing situation must have turned many inside and outside that hall, into strong supporters of Master Tara Singh. When on the early morning of August 15, the day the Master was to start his fast-unto-death, I went to the gurdwara to pray for his wellbeing, I was in a way seeking revenge for the behaviour of that despicable poet. A mixture of such emotions in such an atmosphere must have turned many into supporters of the Akali leaders, as the most tangible justification for their cause was being generously served out to the people at large by every aggressive representative of Hindudom.

Before I ever saw Master Tara Singh in person, I had started subscribing to his magazine Sant Sipahi. I first met Master Tara Singh in the house of a relative in Muktsar where he had come for a public meeting. I considered meeting him quite a privilege. I took photographs of him with my father and younger brother. He sat chatting there for some time and thereafter left. I developed the film myself at the school photographic club and printed it in many ways providing several kinds of margins. A year or so later I went to Amritsar to pay respects at the Darbar and also met Tara Singh in his office which was within the Darbar Sahib premises. He was sitting on a string-cot and writing letters. A small tin box from which he was drawing his writing material was lying next to him. I took a photograph of him. It turned out very well and came to be much used. This was the year 1960 when he was preparing for a big battle ahead. I offered my services for what they were worth. He looked at me very kindly and advised me to first finish my education and then think of such things; ‘otherwise the people will think that you were afraid of facing the tenth class exams and had strayed into politics. Finish your education. Do well in all the examinations and come to me after that.’ I hardly knew anything about the travails of political life but had a desire to be seen in the service of the people. I have thought much about the incident since. A lesser person would have grabbed at the opportunity of gaining an unpaid servant. I remained ever grateful for the sound advice that he had given me on the occasion. It enhanced my respect for him.

There was a poetry recitation session in the school hall to which several Hindi poets had been invited. This was during the days when the Master was talking about the Punjabi Suba in all seriousness. I had noticed a lot of hatred for him and for the Sikhs in general in the air. I had to face jeers and hostility on many fronts. At the Ambala railway station the clerk issuing the tickets had treated all the Sikhs in the queue most contemptuously. He made us all step aside so that he could issue tickets to the Hindus first. He ignored my requests to do so in turn because I and my younger brother were in the danger of missing our train to Dehra Dun and had nowhere to go. He turned to everybody in general and said, ‘look at these Sikhs! They want a Punjabi Suba and also cannot do without a railway ticket.’ I did not quite see the logic he was trying to propound but had to comply with his orders. During this period, I found that my best friend of long standing at the school, who was a Dogra from a well-educated Jammu based family, had suddenly turned against me most virulently. This was one of the experiences of my childhood that left me completely confused about human relations.

Most of the poets at the recitation evening were very sensible but several were seen to be taking pleasure in ridiculing the Sikhs. One who drew the most applause from the audience of which some school boys were a part, earned it by comparing Master Tara Singh to a donkey. In western culture this animal is assumed to be very wise but on the Indian sub-continent it is presumed to be low on intelligence. I was amongst the few Sikhs in the hall and I felt utterly helpless and thoroughly insulted. The short shrunken man who made the comparison, was perhaps a chain smoker, for he went out quite often and was seen puffing away at cheap, foul-smelling cigarettes. No elevated or decent thought was to be expected of such a person, but we did feel isolated and disgusted. Particularly painful were the merry outbursts of our schoolmates. More than anything else, we were surprised since this aspect of their personality had always remained hidden from view. We at once understood why our leaders were trying to carve out a niche to safeguard the Sikhs from being inundated in the sea of hatred welling up all around. The prevailing situation must have turned many inside and outside that hall, into strong supporters of Master Tara Singh. When on the early morning of August 15, the day the Master was to start his fast-unto-death, I went to the gurdwara to pray for his wellbeing, I was in a way seeking revenge for the behaviour of that despicable poet. A mixture of such emotions in such an atmosphere must have turned many into supporters of the Akali leaders, as the most tangible justification for their cause was being generously served out to the people at large by every aggressive representative of Hindudom.

Veer Ji is this based on your own experience?

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Sher will not talk about what Sikhs faced during Punjabi Suba Movement , above experience is not an isolated case .

The point here was to pinpoint the Sikh proletariat's experience during the Punjabi Suba Movement. The 'ignoramus' (only adjective to describe his persona) fool (which Sher is) however derailed the entire topic (a famous mark of his since his first time on the forum) to a more political course and thus invited what he perceives as being anti-Hindu sentiments on his head. His paranoia that maybe tomorrow he will wake up to a world where his myth of 'Hindu this Hindu that' is shattered, influences him to run around on forums citing 'factuality' and patronising the mods. Of course the entire debacle falls flat on it's face after a while. :D

Edited by Amarjeet Singh_1737
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