Amarjeet Singh_1737

Amarjeet, as you have not given any source of the write-up, i assume you have written it. If yes, are you sure about the claims you have made in the post? What if i prove these claims to be wrong?

With your Wikipedia research again?

There seems to be some sort of a confusion on this forum regarding the Sri Sarbloh Granth.

What is the Sri Sarbloh Granth?

Historians and scholars evidence it as being the work of Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, who formally sealed it at Nanded before his demise. The Sri Sarbloh Granth is an unique scripture in the fact that it is an extrapolation of the Chandi-Di-Vaar and the 24 avatars found in the Dasam Granth.

How does the Sarbloh Granth differ from the other canons of the Khalsa?

The Sri Sarbloh Granth differs from the other Khalsa canons, in the respect that it is profoundly figurative in it's approach to different spiritual matters orbiting the Khalsa ethos. It's opening stanza confirms this fact. It also provides citations evidencing the retaining of kesh and obeisance to the Guru Granth Sahib Ji.

Is there any accepted steek or teeka of the Sarbloh Granth?

Yes there is. The official Budha-Dal steek, formed by Akali-Nihung Santa Singh Ji, is based on the historic work of Udasi Harnam Dass or Akali-Nihung Nurang Singh. The latter individual created a full transliteration/exegesis of the Granth and deputed it to the Udasis in Punjab. They would later gift it to the Budha-Dal. This steek is available from Budha-Dal printers and any good bookstore in the Punjab.

How is the Sarbloh Granth similar to the Dasam Granth?

They follow the same principle. Both explore the battle between Abibek and Bibek. The avatars in the Sri Sarbloh Granth are profusely criticised for being paragons of both Abibek and Bibek. The Guru cites that only the individual who has mastered both, i.e. destroyed duality, can be truly called a Gurmukh. The avatars themselves were entrapped in the web of both Abibek and Bibek.

Some quotes from the Sri Sarbloh Granth:

Fanatic hindu will not talk about anti Sikh violence but will defend fakes just like he was praising Marathas . Hey Fanatic more is coming be prepared .

Since its independence India has vehemently been trying to project

itself as a secular state with equal rights to all religious minorities,

but is it so? Have the religious minorities lived as comfortably in

India as portrayed by its successive leaders and governments. An

analysis of Indian Psyche, her social and political milieu depicts the

other side of the horizon, which is bleak, and gruesome — a far cry from

the truth. The simmering waves of Hindu fundamentalism in the recent

years have posed a serious threat to the entire Indian nationhood; the

Muslims, the Sikhs, the Dalits, the Christians, the Budhs and all other

minorities, who have become victim of Indian Hindutava. The Hindu

fundamentalists in the garb of Hindu revivalism emphasize the teaching

of Vedas, which describes Dalits (the low caste Hindus) as the

untouchables. They are only to perform menial jobs. The other religious

minorities are no better.

Caste System – Dalit vs. Brahmins

India is unique as regards its caste system is concerned. It is like a

pyramid. While the Brahmin is sitting on the top, the scheduled castes

(SCs) are at the lowest level of the socio-economic ladder. The SCs and

scheduled tribes (STs) which constitute 15.75 % and 9.12 % of the total

population respectively, are commonly known as Harijans (children of god

- A name given by M.K Gandhi). They are also called Dalits, (Hindi word

for “oppressed”). There are more than 150 million Dalits who

constitute one fifth of India’s population. The Dalits and Harijans

are regarded as untouchables and treated as sub-human. They are deprived

of all the basic rights. There is no law which could provide protection

to these down- trodden against inhuman treatment of the upper caste

Hindus. In the so called secular India, a Dalit is not supposed to wear

a shirt, cap or shoes in the presence of a Brahmin. He must pass with

his head bowed and hands folded through the streets inhabited by upper

class Hindus. Dalits have separate wells for drinking water, separate

hotels for food and tea. There are frequent cases of poor Dalit girls

being kidnapped and gang-raped by high class Hindu boys. A Dalit

pollutes the house of a Brahman, but a frail and a helpless Dalit girl

is just a toy of joy for Thakurs, Brahmins and their henchmen. They draw

pleasure and satisfy their animal instinct by humiliating a Dalit girl.

Recently the statue of a renowned Dalit leader Dr. Ambedkar (an

architect of Indian constitution) was disfigured, and a number of Dalits

who protested against this desecration of their leader, were killed by

police. Many Dalits who converted to Christianity and embraced Islam

experienced that these two religious minorities were subjected to even

worst treatment.

At the other extreme are the upper castes who constitute approximately

10% of the total population. Most prominent of this upper stratum of the

society are the Brahmins who are a mere 3.5% of the total Indian

population. According to a report quoted by Khushwant Singh, they held

3% of all posts in 1935, which increased to 70% in 1982. In the senior

echelons of the civil services from the ranks of deputy secretaries

upwards, out of 500, there are 310 Brahmins i.e. 63%; out of 26 state

chief secretaries 19 are Brahmins; of 98 vice-chancellors 50 are

Brahmins; of 438 district magistrates, 250 are Brahmins; and out the

total of 3300 IAS officers, 2376 are Brahmins. A Dalit politician in

Tamil Nadu said, “The Dalit would rather die than live without self

respect”. Upper-caste Hindu landlords, often in league with local

police, keep the Dalits at bay under most uncivilised conditions. Their

plight in the rural areas is pathetic to the extent that they are

running from pillar to post for minimum self-respect and security. They

want to live without being humiliated and harassed.

According to a report prepared by the chairman India’s Commission for

Scheduled castes and Scheduled Tribes, Hanuman Thapa, “There has been an

increase in atrocities committed on members of the SCs and STs in

Maharashtra. As many as 2,500 cases of atrocities are pending in courts

besides 3647 cases which are under investigation at various levels”.

Dalit International Newsletter of Jun 97 reveals, that the untouchables

are victims of atrocities which include murders, grievous hurt, arson

and rape. The report further adds that during 1989 the figure of these

crimes was 19422; in 1990, 21245; during 1991, 22424 and during 1995 the

figure rose to 35262. In Chundur (Andhra Pradesh) upper caste Hindus

slaughtered innocent Dalits, put their body pieces in gunny bags and

threw them away. In an interview to the “Hindustan Times”, former UP

minister and founder- president of State Bahojan Samaj Party ( BSP), Raj

Bahadur, stated that the Dalits had been deprived even of their

fundamental rights, which led them to abandon Hinduism. They are treated

worse than animals. Even the constitutional provisions have failed to

ensure their fundamental rights. They had been deprived of education,

security, property and health by the upper caste – dominating Hindus.

A horrifying report by UK based “Dalit Atrocity Committee of 1992

reveals that in October 1992 in village Kumber (Rajisthan), over 6000

upper caste Hindus from 45 villages gathered at a Chaumanda Devi temple

with the intention to teach them (Dalits) a lesson. These included

politicians and a superintendent of police. Armed with weapons they

killed 60 Dalits in a Dalit village. They used soaked rags with petrol

and burnt them alive besides demolishing their houses. They gang-raped

women and mutilated their genitals. Recently in Jul 97, upper caste

police shot dead 10 Dalits in Ramabai, Ambedkar colony at Ghatkopar,

Bombay, and wounded several others. According to the Indian media

reports, a considerable number of Dalits have embraced Islam in southern

India. This conversion is due to their disenchantment with false

promises made by Hindu leaders to improve their lot. The only course

left open for them to shake off their misfortune was enmasse conversion

to Islam – a religion of peace, equality and tolerance.

Communal tension – Sikhs vs. Punjabi Hindus

The Sikhs under the leadership of Master Tara Singh strongly opposed the

partition of India in 1947. A new communal tension arose at the first

census in 1961, when large number of Punjabi Hindus declared Hindi as

their mother tongue, even though most of them could not speak the

language. The attempts of Punjabi-Hindu organisation to make Punjabi

Hindus give false particulars of their mother tongue, further enhanced

Sikh fears. In the united Punjab, the Sikhs could have held a balance of

power between the Hindus and the Muslims, but after the partition of

Punjab, they were reduced to the position of a minority. They hoped that

the Congress government, would be generous enough to accommodate them

and provide them equal opportunities in every sphere of life, which

proved to be a nightmare.

Punjabi Suba. Jawaharlal Nehru at the beginning of 1947 said that there

was nothing wrong in conceding, “A political area in northern India,

where the Sikhs might also freely experience the glow of freedom”. When

the plea for a Sikh state within India was criticized as communal, the

Akali Dal put forward an alternative demand of creating a Punjabi-

speaking state. With the creation of a new Andhra Pardesh State on Oct

1, 1953 the demand for linguistic realignment of state boundaries became

popular. Due to increasing sentiments of the public, the government of

India constituted a State Reorganization Commission in Dec 1953, which

rejected the demand of Punjabi speaking state. It was taken by the Sikhs

as a breach of the commonly held and deeply cherished secular ideals.

This was all the more infuriating to the Sikhs, when the principle of

demarcation of state boundaries on a linguistic basis was accepted by

the government and implemented everywhere in India, the sole exception

being Punjab. In respect of their demand, they were perturbed as to why

the wishes of the Hindu minority (45 %) should prevail over the Sikh

majority (55 %). Jawaharlal Nehru strongly opposed the demand of a

Punjabi-speaking state. After his death on 27th May 1964, Lal Bahadur

Shastri, the new Prime Minister appointed a parliamentary committee in

Oct 1965, under the chairmanship of Sardar Hukam Singh, the speaker of

the lower House to look into the issue of “Punjabi Suba”. But Shastri

also continued the policy of Nehru and was deadly against the by-passed

the committee and forestalled its report. Making the 1961 census as the

basis and the Tehsil ( instead of village) as the unit was a deliberate

design to punish the Sikhs. The demarcation was done on communal rather

than on a linguistic basis. Consequently merit was again ignored and

justice denied. It not only increased tension between the two

communities, but also led to grave situation and communal rioting,

instigated by the Hindu revivalist “Jan Singh”. To defuse the situation,

the demand of Punjabi suba was accepted under the Punjabi Reorganization

Act, 1966. However, it was found highly unsatisfactory by the Sikh

leadership, who alleged that the Suba was much smaller in size than what

facts would have determined.

Operation Blue Star – 1984. The 6 Jun, army operation on the holiest

shrine of Sikh religion – Amritsar’s Golden temple, on the orders of

then Prime Minister Mrs Indra Gandhi, highly annoyed the Sikh community.

To them it was beyond belief that the Golden Temple – the very symbol of

their faith, could be desecrated by the armed forces of a free and the

so called secular India. For the last 400 years this temple had been a

symbol of Sikh strength, pride and self respect. Therefore, 6 June

assault was taken as an attack on the Sikh faith and religion. The

extremist Sikh leader, Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala and his followers

died defending the sanctity of their holy place. The five Sikh head

priests declared 15 July “Martyrs Day” for those who laid down their

lives defending the Golden Temple.

Besides the general humiliation suffered at hand of the army, there were

two fostering sores. First, the attitude of local Hindus (they account

for about 48% of million population), who welcomed the army action and

celebrated by distributing sweets as if attending a festival. They feted

the troops as if they had just won a victory in a war. Second, the

Indian government and official media also projected that the Sikhs as a

whole were seeking secession, backed by foreign power, and that India’s

unity was threatened if the army crack-down on Golden Temple was not

undertaken. The Sikhs had been the trusted soldiers of the Indian Army.

Operation “Blue Star” frustrated and demoralized Sikh community to such

an extent that Sikh soldiers rebelled and the then Indian Chief of Army

Staff Gen A.S. Vaidya had to appear on national TV and Radio to

broadcast an appeal to Sikh soldiers saying, “Do not believe rumours

being spread to undermine the confidence in your leaders and

comrades-in-arms”. An unusual move and the one implying some uncertainty

in the normal chain of command to enforce discipline.

Indian Muslims

The Muslims of India, who make about 12 percent of 960 million

population, are the largest oppressed minority in the so called secular

India. These Indian Muslims are being treated as second class citizens.

In those parts of India where the Muslims were in majority, enjoying

superior social and economic status for centuries, special police force

was created to suppress them. The local Hindu population was encouraged

to instigate communal riots in which Muslims were not allowed to protect

themselves and were subjected to merciless torture and cruelties.

According to Jai Prakash Naraian, “The Muslim population has been so

much cowed and demoralized that they are not acting according to their

convictions. They are afraid that if they expressed their real feelings,

their loyalty will be suspected”. A prominent Hindu writer S. Harrison

claims that, “Hindus have a natural right to rule in modern India as a

form of long overdue retribution for the sins of the Mughal overlords”.

Anti- Muslim Riots. Since its very inception India has witnessed Hindu

Muslim riots which belies the claim of religious harmony and secular

stance of the successive Indian governments. In the recent anti-Muslim

riots in Mumbai (Maharashtra), armed marauders of the “Army of Shiva”

inflicted death and destruction on terrorized Muslims, with the police

often conniving with the Hindu extremists in the killings of Muslims.

Recent reports in some Indian newspapers show that the notorious

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh ( R.S.S) for whose Muslim-baiting gurus

master-minded the murder of Gandhiji in 1948, have built a power-base in

the ruling caucus of the BJP. The R.S.S. for whom a united India (Akhand

Bharat) is an article of faith, wants the BJP in case it sweeps power in

1998 elections, to run India as a Hindu state and leash the Muslim

minority.

Writing in “Hindustan Times,” of 31 July 97, a Hindu Journalist, C.P.

Bhambhri comments, “The BJP, RSS, VHP and other allied organisations,

without any shadow of doubt, re using the culture and history of India

to promote the concept of Hindu nation which was a victim of Muslim

rulers and their purpose is to consolidate Hinduism around a specific

religious ethos selectively chosen by political leaders”. He further

comments, “The BJP hate list of Muslims continues to unify the Hindus

against their religious enemy as revealed by Indian history. The BJP

will like to re-write the Constitution for establishing a strong Hindu

state”. The BJP advocates Hindvata, an India based on Hindu culture,

though it claims to respect other religions. Many, especially India’s

large Muslim minority, are concerned about the BJP coming to office.

They remember it as the party responsible for the 1992 destruction of

the 16th century Babri Masque in Ayodhya (UP), which led to bloody Hindu

- Muslim riots.

Hindu Claim on Kaaba. Inspite of half hearted efforts made by Indian

authorities during the last fifty years, the question of the Muslim

minority continues to be complex, critical and in many ways unresolved

due to growing influence of the Hindu fundamentalist parties. Every

communal riot has contributed to the creation of the siege mentality and

the feelings of social outsider among the Muslims. The moving accounts

in the book of M.J Akbar “Riot after Riot” published in 1988 leads one

to conclude that the problem of Physical insecurity really haunts the

Muslim community. Every assertion of the forces of Hinduvata and retreat

of secular political formations have strengthened the feelings of

insecurity among the Muslims. Khalful-Suleman, in an article titled

“Kashmir is the first defence line against Hindu march,” published in

“Al-Bilad” of Saudi Arabia, dated 3 Feb 98 opines, “During the past 50

years, there has been tremendous human rights violations and desecration

of Muslim shrines and mosques in Kashmir.” Referring to Hindu designs

versus Islam, he further adds that, “Hindu writers in their books have

claimed that the Holy Kaaba was in fact a Hindu temple of Rama, which

was occupied by the Muslims’ prophet and changed into a Muslim place”.

The Hindu authors claim that this is essential for the Hindus to

retrieve Kaaba from the Muslims.

Rise of BJP and its Aganda

The Bhartia Janata Party is the strongest political party in today’s

India. Its ideological roots go back to 1925 when RSS came into being as

a Hindu revivalist organisation on non political basis. In 1951, the

emergence of Jana Sangh was its political birth which merged with the

amorphous Janata, a conglomeration of diverse parties to fight the

Congress of secular ideology. In Apr 1980 Jana Sangh group of the Janta

decided to re-emerge under its present name of BJP. The BJP had an

advantage over Jana Sangh in that it was more respectable and acceptable

to the masses. In addition, it had grown to become a national party in

real sense. It started to capitalize on the killing of Hindus by the

Sikhs and the mass conversion of Hindus to Islam in Tamil Nadu in 1982.

It was during this period that the BJP made itself financially sound

with the help of contributions from Non -Resident Indians (NRIs) and by

bringing to its fold a part of the Indian bourgeoisie and feudal who

used to be the backbone of Swatantra Party. Even after discouraging

results of 1984 elections, the BJP went on consolidating its position

with the help of RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal combine. It fully exploited

the weakness of Hindu masses by concentrating on the issue of restoring

Hindu temples, with the Ramjanambhoomi Mandir heading the list. This

offensive was combined with the anti- Congress (I) and anti-Rajiv

campaigns. The Shah Bano case was a testimony to the Congress (I)’s

concern over the ever growing strength of the BJP. How successful were

these tactics and strategies of the BJP?

This was conspicuously apparent in the election results of 1989, where

after it is a story of march toward victory. Its political ascendancy in

quick succession from a mere 12 seats in the Lok Sabha in 1984 to 88

seats in the Nov 89 elections and to 123 in the May 1991 elections and

about 250 to 255 seats in 1998 elections, is seen by a faction of the

Indian society as a challenge to the secular basis of the Indian

constitution, as well as to the image by which India wants to be known

in the international comity of nations. The phasing out of the so-called

secular forces like Congress and emergence of Hindu fundamentalist

forces like BJP is a clear manifestation that India is likely to become

a Brahmanic state, with no rights for minorities in near future.

BJP vs. Indian Minorities

The spectacular rise of BJP, since its formation in 1980 in Indian

politics is an unfortunate event for Indian minorities. The party is not

only anti-Muslim but it is determined to establish a strong Hindu state.

In 1990, its president, Lal Krishna Advani toured the country in a

chariot (Rath Yatra), calling on Hindus to destroy the historical Babri

Mosque in Ayodhya – a Muslim landmark built on the birth place of the

Hindu god (Ram). After a mob razed the Mosque on 6 Dec 1992, Hindu

-Muslim riots spread throughout the country and the BJP’s strength grew.

Six years after the party goaded Hindu mobs into destroying the Babri

Mosque, the BJP still demands that a temple of Ram be built on the site.

Sometime its leaders opine that they would put up the new structure only

after some kind of consensus with Muslims. But recently its hard liner

and militant leaders changed their stance in the rallies of Hindu masses

and again pledged to built a magnificent temple, thus creating an alarm

of communal violence. The Muslims fear that under a BJP government,

their separate laws on marriage, divorce and inheritance would be

scrapped. The slaughter of cow, which is sacred to Hindus, will be

banned. K.S Sudarshan, joint general secretary of the RSS opines, ”

There are other meats for Muslims to eat”. He further states, “For too

long the Muslims have been appeased. They divided our country and now

they are demanding job reservations. Hindus are blamed whenever the

Muslims start trouble”. The BJP’s manifesto, released in the second week

of Feb 98, pounded home its commitment to, “One nation, one people and

one culture”. The BJP has grown and thrived on divisive politics. As

discussed earlier the party is an arm of the RSS, a secretive group of

militants who aim to transform secular India into a Hindu state. From

moderator like Vojpayee to hard-liner like Advani, all are members of

the RSS, a disciplined civilian militia that fights for the cause of

Hindu nationalism with about 1 million active members. The RSS is

interested only in creating ideal Hindu citizens, yet its

ultra-nationalist regiments, wearing khaki shorts and white shirts,

represent the ideal of a decidedly militant kind of citizenship. The

BJP’s extended family also includes the Wishwa Hindu Praishad (WHP), a

group of religious extremists who help finance political operations and

enforce ideological purity. BJP takes up the Hindu cause by supporting

WHP’s stand to retrieve 300 Muslim places of worship and convert them

into Hindu temples.

Sum Up

The Hindu politics since the partition of India in 1947 has been based

on three different themes. First, that the Muslims were responsible for

vivisection of Mother India, hence they are anti-national. Added to this

are their “historical grievances” against Muslims, which makes the

situation really pathetic. Second, Nehru and the Congress accepted the

Muslims demand of Partition, and later introduced secularism in India to

appease the minorities, that is why Hindus have every right to fight

against the Congress for their rights. Third, is the dream of Hindu

Rashtra (Hindu State), which will satisfy the demands and rights of the

Hindu majority. In other words the ultimate desire of Hindu majority

seems to fulfil the dream of Ram Rajya (Ram’s rule). The BJP’s

manifesto, though much changed and reformed, still revolves around the

same objective. India is totally a closed society, fundamentalist in

nature, with secularism as a front piece to deceive the world community.

Your "bhagwan" whom you are defending:

Seems like Mr. Saffron Terror forgot that via his beloved nation's constitution even Jains are considered as being Hindus.

I have spent hours to do the research before making that request and also to expose amarjeet as a bigoted distortionist (euphemism for liar). How about you? just one plagiarized line?

Amazing, your imbecilic quotient has been proven more than once on this forum, yet you still retain your urge to point fingers. Please forgive us that we do not subscribe to a fascist ideology which aims to absorb other more unique tracts via a subtle osmosis, because it possesses nothing of value itself. You are nothing more than an idiot whose so called monologues and researches are based on nothing more than nationalistic rants and falsities. As such, this is not your fault but a sheer phenotype of your entire kind. Already your lies are being answered on this forum, what more is there for you to do other than show your despicable belief by pointing fingers. Nothing more than a delusional Hindu, whose very creed is based on nothing more than hypocrisy.

For some they actually did.

One of the tricks the British used was to employ Indians in the Police and Army and junior Govt positions, so that the face of imperialism was not so obvious.

Point is there was no unity as is being propagated by the Hindu Taliban today. Sikhs saw themselves as being far different to the mutineers who probably had the same perception.

amarjeet_singh_1737 stop TRYING to throw insults at me and answer the question

fact you avoid answering the question shows you are the true imbecile

OnPathToSikhi I would rather eat off the plate cause its easier cleaner and more convenient

so if someone downloaded the guru granth sahib on to their cell phone would you bow down to the phone to pay respects to the guru granth sahib

Osho had this idea that he was a spiritual master. Gave him the idea to hold orgies.

And the answers are?

When I said imbecile I wasn't talking about myself.

shut this topic down if its to conteversial but im going to rephrase the question

do you bow down to the guru granth sahib book

if so why

if not why

would you bow down to a laptop if the guru granth sahib had bin downloaded on it

if so why

if not why

Your imbecility has been answered already. You can perpetually reiterate it as if there is not tomorrow, but the answer will remain the same.

Before I ever saw Master Tara Singh in person, I had started subscribing to his magazine Sant Sipahi. I first met Master Tara Singh in the house of a relative in Muktsar where he had come for a public meeting. I considered meeting him quite a privilege. I took photographs of him with my father and younger brother. He sat chatting there for some time and thereafter left. I developed the film myself at the school photographic club and printed it in many ways providing several kinds of margins. A year or so later I went to Amritsar to pay respects at the Darbar and also met Tara Singh in his office which was within the Darbar Sahib premises. He was sitting on a string-cot and writing letters. A small tin box from which he was drawing his writing material was lying next to him. I took a photograph of him. It turned out very well and came to be much used. This was the year 1960 when he was preparing for a big battle ahead. I offered my services for what they were worth. He looked at me very kindly and advised me to first finish my education and then think of such things; ‘otherwise the people will think that you were afraid of facing the tenth class exams and had strayed into politics. Finish your education. Do well in all the examinations and come to me after that.’ I hardly knew anything about the travails of political life but had a desire to be seen in the service of the people. I have thought much about the incident since. A lesser person would have grabbed at the opportunity of gaining an unpaid servant. I remained ever grateful for the sound advice that he had given me on the occasion. It enhanced my respect for him.

There was a poetry recitation session in the school hall to which several Hindi poets had been invited. This was during the days when the Master was talking about the Punjabi Suba in all seriousness. I had noticed a lot of hatred for him and for the Sikhs in general in the air. I had to face jeers and hostility on many fronts. At the Ambala railway station the clerk issuing the tickets had treated all the Sikhs in the queue most contemptuously. He made us all step aside so that he could issue tickets to the Hindus first. He ignored my requests to do so in turn because I and my younger brother were in the danger of missing our train to Dehra Dun and had nowhere to go. He turned to everybody in general and said, ‘look at these Sikhs! They want a Punjabi Suba and also cannot do without a railway ticket.’ I did not quite see the logic he was trying to propound but had to comply with his orders. During this period, I found that my best friend of long standing at the school, who was a Dogra from a well-educated Jammu based family, had suddenly turned against me most virulently. This was one of the experiences of my childhood that left me completely confused about human relations.

Most of the poets at the recitation evening were very sensible but several were seen to be taking pleasure in ridiculing the Sikhs. One who drew the most applause from the audience of which some school boys were a part, earned it by comparing Master Tara Singh to a donkey. In western culture this animal is assumed to be very wise but on the Indian sub-continent it is presumed to be low on intelligence. I was amongst the few Sikhs in the hall and I felt utterly helpless and thoroughly insulted. The short shrunken man who made the comparison, was perhaps a chain smoker, for he went out quite often and was seen puffing away at cheap, foul-smelling cigarettes. No elevated or decent thought was to be expected of such a person, but we did feel isolated and disgusted. Particularly painful were the merry outbursts of our schoolmates. More than anything else, we were surprised since this aspect of their personality had always remained hidden from view. We at once understood why our leaders were trying to carve out a niche to safeguard the Sikhs from being inundated in the sea of hatred welling up all around. The prevailing situation must have turned many inside and outside that hall, into strong supporters of Master Tara Singh. When on the early morning of August 15, the day the Master was to start his fast-unto-death, I went to the gurdwara to pray for his wellbeing, I was in a way seeking revenge for the behaviour of that despicable poet. A mixture of such emotions in such an atmosphere must have turned many into supporters of the Akali leaders, as the most tangible justification for their cause was being generously served out to the people at large by every aggressive representative of Hindudom.

Before I ever saw Master Tara Singh in person, I had started subscribing to his magazine Sant Sipahi. I first met Master Tara Singh in the house of a relative in Muktsar where he had come for a public meeting. I considered meeting him quite a privilege. I took photographs of him with my father and younger brother. He sat chatting there for some time and thereafter left. I developed the film myself at the school photographic club and printed it in many ways providing several kinds of margins. A year or so later I went to Amritsar to pay respects at the Darbar and also met Tara Singh in his office which was within the Darbar Sahib premises. He was sitting on a string-cot and writing letters. A small tin box from which he was drawing his writing material was lying next to him. I took a photograph of him. It turned out very well and came to be much used. This was the year 1960 when he was preparing for a big battle ahead. I offered my services for what they were worth. He looked at me very kindly and advised me to first finish my education and then think of such things; ‘otherwise the people will think that you were afraid of facing the tenth class exams and had strayed into politics. Finish your education. Do well in all the examinations and come to me after that.’ I hardly knew anything about the travails of political life but had a desire to be seen in the service of the people. I have thought much about the incident since. A lesser person would have grabbed at the opportunity of gaining an unpaid servant. I remained ever grateful for the sound advice that he had given me on the occasion. It enhanced my respect for him.

There was a poetry recitation session in the school hall to which several Hindi poets had been invited. This was during the days when the Master was talking about the Punjabi Suba in all seriousness. I had noticed a lot of hatred for him and for the Sikhs in general in the air. I had to face jeers and hostility on many fronts. At the Ambala railway station the clerk issuing the tickets had treated all the Sikhs in the queue most contemptuously. He made us all step aside so that he could issue tickets to the Hindus first. He ignored my requests to do so in turn because I and my younger brother were in the danger of missing our train to Dehra Dun and had nowhere to go. He turned to everybody in general and said, ‘look at these Sikhs! They want a Punjabi Suba and also cannot do without a railway ticket.’ I did not quite see the logic he was trying to propound but had to comply with his orders. During this period, I found that my best friend of long standing at the school, who was a Dogra from a well-educated Jammu based family, had suddenly turned against me most virulently. This was one of the experiences of my childhood that left me completely confused about human relations.

Most of the poets at the recitation evening were very sensible but several were seen to be taking pleasure in ridiculing the Sikhs. One who drew the most applause from the audience of which some school boys were a part, earned it by comparing Master Tara Singh to a donkey. In western culture this animal is assumed to be very wise but on the Indian sub-continent it is presumed to be low on intelligence. I was amongst the few Sikhs in the hall and I felt utterly helpless and thoroughly insulted. The short shrunken man who made the comparison, was perhaps a chain smoker, for he went out quite often and was seen puffing away at cheap, foul-smelling cigarettes. No elevated or decent thought was to be expected of such a person, but we did feel isolated and disgusted. Particularly painful were the merry outbursts of our schoolmates. More than anything else, we were surprised since this aspect of their personality had always remained hidden from view. We at once understood why our leaders were trying to carve out a niche to safeguard the Sikhs from being inundated in the sea of hatred welling up all around. The prevailing situation must have turned many inside and outside that hall, into strong supporters of Master Tara Singh. When on the early morning of August 15, the day the Master was to start his fast-unto-death, I went to the gurdwara to pray for his wellbeing, I was in a way seeking revenge for the behaviour of that despicable poet. A mixture of such emotions in such an atmosphere must have turned many into supporters of the Akali leaders, as the most tangible justification for their cause was being generously served out to the people at large by every aggressive representative of Hindudom.

There is also one about a ten year old boy who was beaten to death as well.

Brahmin Sikhs why are their Sikhs who try hard to be brahmin

example certain so called amrtidhari Sikhs who won't accept langer from non amritdhari Sikhs or won't eat anything cooked by non amritdhari sikhs

this behaviour is no different then Brahmins who would avoid eating food prepared by people of the lower caste

are these guys who act like this insecure from being bullied most of their lives

the purpose of langer was to break down insecurities ego and caste and status

The question is, what are you doing about it?

I think its idol worship when someone bows n prays to a statue or a book or an image

Yet you contradict yourself by stating 'educated hindus in the west who pray to status say they know the status have no powers but the image is to help them focus their energy towards the god their praying to...'

Maybe I am .. Maybe not ... But you surely are!

Were you living in a cave all these years? Technology has existed in other forms before. We have Gurbani in audio cassettes , record players before that. So by your definition every time someone passes a music shop then that person would bow to the music shop? You really are an idiot. It's all in the intent, the same intent with which your are asking these questions.

Explains why a few Singhs' worship their cars nowdays. All that audio...

I am kind of just perplexed at the way we just term anything as Hindu without understanding why it is like that. India has its culture and ethos and there is a setup which has existed since thousands of years. If we question everything even names like Gobind and Hari will be under question . Dasam baani is argued upon, now if Guru Sahib will not refer to the deities here what else would He do ? Refer to Gabriel or Zeus ?

It is they the hindu phobics who have this allergy not the Gurus .

The Khalsa is above all this imbecilic sanataan and reformist garbage. And this same Gurditt Singh presented a so-called report to the SGPC in the 60's which argued that Damdama Sahib should be accorded the status of the Khalsa's 5th Takhat and not the Budha-Dal whose chalda-vaheer was the original Takhat.

tried at Hazoor Sahib ?? Veera can you please elaborate ?

I sure can, Gurditt Singh's argument hinged on two factors. One the Sargun aarti performed at Hazoor Sahib with lamps, in his opinion was an adoption of Hindu beliefs; and secondly Gurbani rejected it. When the Singhs of Nanded asked him to evidence his arguments, he cited the aarti shabad of Guru Nanak Dev Ji (Gagan Mai Thal...) stating that the Guru was criticising individuals who perform aarti, because nature bests them in it's own mode of aarti. Thus what was the need for the Khalsa to perform aarti? The Singhs argued back that the Shabad in fact praised the merits of desireless and selfless worship. One should be like nature in their performance of aarti. Desireless and humble. Gurditt Singh subsequently left Nanded categorising it as a hotbed of Hindu infiltration. His rationale was based on nothing more than superficial interpretations of Gurbani based on the reformist tracts of Bhai Kahn Singh Nabha and co. This thread too adopts his superficiality.

Bloody hell here we go on this merry-go round again. For a Sikh the Guru Granth Sahib is Guru and it affords teachings. For this reason he bows to it. No offence to anyone's sentiment but can an idol provide something similar? Would make more sense for a Sikh if muslims and Hindus bowed to their canons. And get over 'Hindu this, Hindu that.' Giani Gurditt Singh already tried that at Hazoor Sahib and failed.

Damn it! On the other hand most of the nomads in pre-Islamic Arabia relied on farming as well. Maybe old man mo also derived them of their water to make them convert? Mod's edit - Please refrain from insulting other scriptures.

The haddiths talk about muhammad wiping his bottom with an odd number of stones and now the indian water system has been falsely taught as muhammad's doctrine and now this guy is telling us ali invented armitage shanks

Next we will be told that the Punjab Water Problem was predicted in the Koran all those years ago.

And he married his son to aishwari rai only after she married a tree and his hand is covered with fake rings

Your cynicism really endears you to me. On the sideline Bedis have been classified as Guru Nanak Dev Ji's descendants, specifically the lineage today lead by Baba Prabjot Singh Ji.

This is not an ethnic problem. It is a blimmin Islamic problem.