shaheediyan

You didn't say who the author was Veer Ji. Could you provide a link to where yo found this article. Dhanvaad.

You didn't say who the author was Veer Ji. Could you provide a link to where yo found this article. Dhanvaad.

On TV now. Thought this would be interesting with regards to recent discussions on Sikh youths language skills today... Cutting Edge: Mind Your F-ing Language Monday 14 May 9:00pm - 10:00pm Channel 4 A lot of teenagers swear. Some swear a lot. But is the sort of swearing where every other word is a four-letter one part of youth culture, or should their foul-mouthed tendencies be curbed? This documentary which, being plastered with f-words, is not for those with delicate sensibilities, focuses on a secondary school outside Wolverhampton where they're trying to enforce a zero-tolerance policy on bad language. What's even more interesting, though, is the analysis of what makes a word unacceptable or offensive. The schoolkids have surprising ideas about this (I didn't recognise some of their suggestions as even being English, let alone a swear word), but it's unsettling to hear the c-word discussed in such a detached, almost literary, way. RT reviewer - Jane Rackham

For vegetarians who enjoy chocolate bars.... http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/6653175.stm Mars starts using animal products Masterfoods' brands are household names Some of the UK's best-selling chocolate bars, such as Mars and Twix, will no longer be suitable for vegetarians. Also affecting brands such as Snickers and Maltesers, owner Masterfoods said it had started to use animal product rennet to make its chocolate products. Masterfoods said the change was due to it switching the sourcing of its ingredients and the admission was a "principled decision" on its part. The Vegetarian Society said the company's move was "incomprehensible". 'Extremely disappointed' Masterfoods said it had started using rennet from 1 May and non-affected products had a "best before date" up to 1 October. Masterfoods' decision to use non-vegetarian whey is a backward step Vegetarian Society Rennet, a chemical sourced from calves' stomachs, is used in the production of whey. It will now also be found in Bounty, Minstrels and Milky Way products, and the ice cream versions of all Masterfoods' bars. "If the customer is an extremely strict vegetarian, then we are sorry the products are no longer suitable, but a less strict vegetarian should enjoy our chocolate," said Paul Goalby, corporate affairs manager for Masterfoods. The Vegetarian Society said it was "extremely disappointed". "At a time when more and more consumers are concerned about the provenance of their food, Masterfoods' decision to use non-vegetarian whey is a backward step," it said in a statement. "Mars products are very popular with young people and many will be shocked to discover that their manufacture now relies on the extraction of rennet from the stomach lining of young calves," it added.

No really, it just makes one (in my opinion) a pompous, self-righteous, self-absorbed, narrow minded, ignorent and snobby bufoon. Especially as the majority of these loathers parents are/were working class.

Some beautiful pictures, capturing the revival of Guru Ji's kirtan and saaj, anno domini, 2007. http://www.flickr.com/photos/navroopsehmi/show/ http://rajacademy.com/article.php?article_id=187

I haven't come across raagmala being sung (I think this is what you are saying), could you kindly provide a link to or upload this rendition please...

Veer Ji, Firstly, could you kindly expand on this either on-line or off: "Bhai Balbir Singh's recording of it provides an interesting angle, but is this an innovation or tradition?" Without meaning to sound abrupt or assuming, it seems like this may indirectly turn into a case of Devil's Advocate. The discussion wil ultimately end in "is Raagmala Gurbani", because we will inevitably discuss is credibilty and function if it is critiqued by means of discussing the applicability of it's terminology. I hope you can see where I'm coming from. Like I said, Maharaj evidently does not use raag raagni musical system which existed around the 1200's from memory. I am pretty sure Sri Dasam Granth Sahib Ji doesn't use raagni system either, and I have not had darshan of Sri Sarbloh Granth Sahib ji as yet, but from what I know, it is also raag based. The raagni system predates the raag system used in the 3 Granth Sahibs. If the raagni system does somehow apply, then I have yet to see how. I think Bhai Baldeep Singh Ji may be a better person to ask this question, as they (Bhai Avtaar Singh and family), I think make assumptions from and utilise thaat and raag family system etc. We simply try and follow the crystal clear raag instructions given at the start of each shabd in Maharaj. PS- The sentance you quoted wasn't refering to you (just in case you may have thought that)!!

"Bhai Balbir Singh's recording of it provides an interesting angle, but is this an innovation or tradition?" Could you provide a link to this please. I don't think I am familiar with this. Gurbani Raagmala is not something that has been specifically researched, by me or in my knowledge, by Prof Ji. If you would like to know his opinion; as you are already acquainted with him, I would suggest you ask him personally. I don't think it is a priority for him in any way, shape or form. Personally, if raagmala should be in Maharaj, and I don't understand it's application, I can happily live with that. If it shouldn't be there, I can still completely and happily treat Guru Granth Sahib Ji as my infallible Satguru. I don't think I'd be comfortable discussing Gurbani raag mala in critical terms at this time. Like I said, I have provided ample references and will seek to provide some more info, sangat can do their own research and come to their own conclusions. I am sure that in the near future some brave, wise, ignorent, stupid (what ever tickles your taste buds) person will use their new found knowledge to create more holes in the panth. Personally I think this issue will only be worth analysing when the "panth (in all it's colours)" and it's "governers" are open to discussion and "possible" change. Otherwise it will only worsen the current already sad state of the panth. There are much more pressing issues that need to be tackled at this moment in time. Bhul chuk maaf

Some interesting points that are also related to Gurmat Sangeet. Evolution in Modern Indian Music Salil Chowdhury Against modern Indian music there has been an accusation by a certain select group - that modern Indian music is not Indian at all. Additionally some would be reluctant to concede that it is even music. About this second opinion I withhold any discussion. But as to the comment that modern Indian music is not Indian - that is an intriguing point of view which in my opinion deserves to be discussed. The reason being that this charge has been made by a select and quite influential group of music aficionados. This group is of the firm opinion that: a) modern Indian music does not follow any of the raag note patterns of Indian music, this music has none of the characteristics of being typically Indian – in other words Indian folk-music, and c) for accompaniment with this music, it is all too easy to use foreign 'orchestral' music. We need to keep in mind especially that the above accusation has been made primarily around Indian Film music. It is through Film music that Modern Indian music finds its most popular expression. Among the above mentioned group of critics is a section which has cultivated the strong viewpoint that the melding of Indian music and western music and the joint use of these different styles of music is not possible. A similar view is held even by Aakaashbaani (All India Radio), in whose light classical music department (not denoted as modern music) the harmonium is considered to be an 'untouchable' instrument. Here I would like to say a few words about that unfortunate instrument, the harmonium. Developed through a fusion and modification of the 'accordion' and the 'organ', it is by far the most popular musical instrument in India. The use of this instrument is universal; it finds favour from leading exponents of classical Indian music, the lowliest of music students and even the street singer. Thus it has become our national musical instrument. Talented classical musicians (prominent among these being Ustaad Abdul Kareem Khan, Fayyaaz Khan and Akhtari Bai) have given us such disparate styles of music as Thumri, Bhajan, Qawwaali and Gazal; these as well as artists of 'adhunik' (modern) music have and continue to use the harmonium to accompany their music. I believe that it was Kobiguru Rabindranath (Tagore) who first opined against the use of the harmonium. He understood that a student of music just beginning would become a slave to the fixed chromatic scale of the harmonium and would thus suffer a loss of spontaneity in the expression of melody and voice. The logic of his pronouncement is of course undeniable. However, why it is that the harmonium is condemned for consideration even for the purpose of accompaniment, is beyond my understanding. It is of course the sole prerogative of the composer to choose the musical instrument that will accompany musical works of his own creation. The 'organ' has been used as such an accompaniment in almost all of the popular gramophone recordings of Rabindrasangeet. It is my belief that if soft chords (using two or more notes) were to be used in the ‘organ’ as part of the background music, it would greatly enhance the expressive beauty of RabindraGeeti and make it simpler and more beautiful. But even if today's composer believes that the accompaniment of the 'organ' or the 'harmonium' will enhance the expression of his music, he will be unable to use them. Why ? Because it is a foreign instrument. The destroyer of all that is characteristic of Indian music. In order to accept this premise to be true, we would need to eliminate hundreds of recordings made by artists that we consider to be 'ustaads' in our musical tradition. If these classical artists could conclude that the harmonium helped rather than hindered their musical expression, then why should modern composers not accept the harmonium as accompaniment. On the other hand Indian instrumental artists (as with the violin) have with the harmonium been quite successful in creating a new kind of sound which is heard nowhere else in the world. I know many such instrumentalists who have achieved such dexterity with the instrument that they can, while maintaining the expressiveness and particular characteristics of Indian music, assert their equality with the world's leading 'accordionists'. It is solely an attitude of 'status quo' and orthodoxy that is responsible for the ban on the 'harmonium' at AakaashBaani. Music composers and artists surely would not ignorantly use this instrument if it did not facilitate their expression of musical beauty. Although there is no such ban in Film music, here too perhaps only one song in a hundred will use the harmonium, and even then only if the song is by a Baijee (courtesan style) or in Qawwaali style. Oh well, as a result of AakashBaani's animosity towards the harmonium, it is not the harmonium which is losing appeal; rather, it is AakashBaani whose popularity is consistently being eroded. Now let us return to our topic. Before embarking on an extended discussion of the theoretical possibilities resulting from the melding of Indian and western music, it is necessary to assess the practical impact that such a melding has had. Since the last century, just as India has assimilated western culture via its language, arts, dress, etc., so has it absorbed and assimilated the western music in exactly the same way. A progressive culture is never afraid of foreign influence. Even when an excessiveness of imitation does manifest itself, our culture will ultimately reject it and progress towards an all encompassing unity. The long history of India is full of accounts of our defeats at the hands of foreigners and tales of their reigns. However none were successful in uprooting our civilization and culture and sowing the seeds of foreign influence in our soil; rather, India has always managed to enhance its own greatness by absorbing what’s good in them. Then followed the age of British rule. The Indian mind was especially attracted to the western way of thinking. European culture and its influence on Indian literature and art found an appropriate expression in the age of the Renaissance of Bengal. In the field of literature, in Kobiguru Rabindranath, we found the joint expression of both cultures and in painting it was Abanindranath. In music, though the analogy is not that straightforward, the influence of western music is none the less present in a similar way. We will discuss this later. But as to the question of whether it is possible to meld Indian music with western music, we have already found the answer in recent times and in the tremendous popularity of ninety-nine percent of 'adhunik' (popular) songs of the last half a century. Proof of this is in the fact that our population has accepted the 'adhunik' songs composed using a successful synthesis of eastern and western melody. In the creation of art it is not only the personality of the creator (artist) which finds expression; also reflected and evident in it is the contemporary age and the influence of the prevailing environment. Our classical vocal and instrumental artists are themselves the creators of melody. At the moment of delivery, they improvise 'extempore' melody, and based upon the individuality of the artist the same raag/raagini finds unique expression. Despite restrictions on the notes of a raag or raagini, they elicit different expressions of mood according to the moment or time of day. The technique of development of a raag used fifty years ago is not at all the same as the method used today. If you listen to the voice of Ustaad Salaamat Ali elaborating on the raags in 'Darbaari Kanada' or 'Baagesri' you will understand what I want to say. The spontaneous manner in which he uses 'chordal' and 'chromatic' variations in voice while singing the Thumri, I would characterize as a completely modern style, but the purity of raag-based music is present in full measure in it. In every age, music not only expresses the style of the times, but is also engaged in the creation of new styles. Thus Khayal was created from Dhrupad, and Thumri was created from Khayal, followed by other forms of light music. But the source of all of these musical forms is still the traditional Indian folk music. The freedom of the individual and freedom of expression that manifested itself towards the end of the nineteenth century has culminated in today's 'adhunik' (modern) music. The inspiration behind this lay in Indian popular music. It is this freedom of expression which has been successful in breaking the narrow bonds of musical grammar, and to enable the use of new instruments such as the violin, clarinet, harmonium and piano. We acknowledge of course the fact that the attitude to life, viewpoints, aims and ideals of our music composers of today are completely different from their predecessors. The composer of today is trying to express these new values and ideals through the medium of his own musical creations. Even after a thorough research of the old classical Indian musical forms today's music composer may conclude that these ancient practices, scale patterns, etc. are inadequate for his own expressive needs. The (Indian) Five Year Plans, giant dams under construction, and the succession of new events - all of these might be the subjects of his music, and will naturally require news methods in their expression. He may conclude that in the area of melodic development, only the presence of 'contrapuntal' or 'polyphonic' characteristics will give full flight to his imagination; and in this matter the composer must be given complete freedom and encouragement. No creator (artist) can tell what final form his creation will assume, in other words whether the music will retain a grammatical purity or not. Every art form according to its own needs is changing its form; and the job of the artist is then one of following the art and transforming it into a set of grammatical constraints. As an example we may cite the popular music composed in the second half of the last century and the first part of this century. An analysis of the prevailing times and its historical background shows that these songs echoed the growing desire for freedom from foreign rule, and an increasing development of national consciousness. This national awakening found flaming expression in the form of these songs sung in processions and public gatherings and even behind the barred doors of prison cells. Among the composers of these songs, Jyotirindranath, D. L. Roy, and later, Rabindranath and Kazi Nazrul Islam created a new style of music. The freedom movement of Bengal also provided inspiration for a new and revolutionary style of music. The population was awakening to national consciousness and yearning to break the chains of foreign rule, so the composers obliged them by composing 'break the chains' songs. These songs which were sung during processional 'marches' were indeed composed in imitation of the western 'marching song' style. Songs such as "Ak Sutre Baandha Aachhi", "Utho Go Bharato Lakkhi", "Bolo Bolo Bolo Sabe", "DhanaDhanye Pushpe Bhara", "Desh Desh Nandito Kori", "Byartho Praaner Abarjana" and others, including our national anthem "Jana Gana Mana Adhinayak" and more than a hundred other songs have been influenced by western music. Some critics believe that the tunes of the above mentioned songs fall within the ambit of Indian raagas. Their opinion is partially true. Because the ancient creators of our musical system used all possible combinations of the addition and elimination of the twelve basic notes, and denoted these various combinations by different names, it is possible to classify any melody from almost any part of the world as belonging to one of our raag/raagini or 'mixed' raags. It is not enough to consider simply the use of a certain set of notes; the individuality of the melody thus created, as well as its expression and mood must also be judged. The style of orchestration used in Indian music is also borrowed from the western tradition. The tonal quality and instrumental precision of foreign musical instruments have won the hearts of our people, and these instruments have also made it possible to orchestrate Indian music. Orchestral compositions also include Indian musical instruments. Our instrumental artists have always been careful in improving their style and the quality of their playing. While playing in an orchestra it is vitally important to follow systematically the "registered notation" method. For this reason these artists feel greatly the need for utmost precision in the recording of musical notation, even though we have not yet achieved our desired goal in this matter, and our system of notation is not universally used. Unfortunately, the western method of "staff notation" has not been found to be so easily usable to our instrumental artists. In the composition of Indian dance music (Ballet Music) I must of course mention the use of orchestral instrumental music by the pioneers Timir Baran and Pandit Bishnudas Shirali, and in this connection also eminently notable is Raichand Boral, who has been extremely successful in composing background music for movies and in creating melodies combining western and Indian instruments to accompany songs. Even without amplifying on the topic of the continuous improvement of Indian 'Orchestral Instrumental Music' it may be said that it has developed in response to new needs. And at the root of this innovation and transformation have always been our music composers. All of the efforts to maintain the integrity of Indian music and to effect its improvement are a source of continual inspiration to me. The efforts of the Indian government to hold classical and popular musical conventions and the institution of systems for conferring certificates and titles upon talented and knowledgeable artists are all steps full of hope in the advancement of Indian music. I feel greatly encouraged when I see that arrangements are being established to preserve our architecture, ancient sculptures, famous art, and handcrafted fine arts creations. But my joy is truly unbounded when I see that new cities are being built and we are progressing rapidly in the fields of arts and science. I believe that present India is carrying forward the legacy of the ancient India. So it is in the area of music. All the compositions of our modern composers contain expressions of the same progress in the music of ancient India. Our modern composers expect encouragement in this matter from the state and from the people at large. But even if this encouragement is not offered their music will, through a process of trial and error and experimentation, achieve accomplishment and fullness. There is no need for us to be directed by the traditions of western music. On the other hand in going forward it would also be wrong to tolerate any kind of orthodoxy. I personally believe that Indian music has a great deal to offer to the music of the world because it has a rare depth, dignity, and above all a beauty of mood and expression. Behind all of sophisticated techniques of world music today lies a reflection of the individual. Into this, Indian music will infuse life - by bringing to it a reflection of the soul. Indian music will send a message of peace and tolerance. And this noble responsibility will have to be borne by the modern Indian music composer. The sources of Indian music are endless and its potentials are without limit. In the past Indian music obtained its inspiration and its ingredients from generations of inherited popular and classical music, as well as from western music. Today, as nations have achieved a much greater degree of closeness and cultural exchange has become so much easier, the opportunity for Indian music to disseminate widely and to expand its vision presents itself. Published in "Sangeetika" magazine, 1st Year Puja Issue (1959). Translated from the Bengali original.

Veer Ji, Sangeet tradition, both Sikh and otherwise has had one massive weakness, it has always been an oral tradition, as per Shastar Vidya, with only some references historical granth’s etc. I think the biggest influence on and largest contributors to classical music were Bhatkande and Tagore Ji (need to check, this is just a quick post). Their works formed the basis of what nearly all classical musicians and sikh Raagis call Sangeet or Gurmat Sangeet. Even the various gharana have been heavily influenced. Also look up Rabindrasangeet. Luckily, Sikhs still had some Rababi traditions and a few puratan raagis existing through this period i.e. Baba Shaam Singh ji and Baba Harnaam Singh Ji, and Namdhari efforts, specifically by Baba Partap Singh Ji, as well as “possible†traditions of Bhai Avatar singh Ji etc, so some efforts to preserve were made by various Sikh musicologists and scholars in the early to mid 20th c. But back to the point, raags and raagnis. This and many other things aren’t so much to do with Prof Ji’s personal research, he certainly provides his input, but expects us to research for our self, which we do. Many of us varying opinions on different topics, but aim to resolve these through eventual research and publication, in a civilised manner! Bharats Natya Shastra is a good place to start, as it is one of the first detailed manuscript detailing the emergence and of raag and Indian scale (saptak) systems, it also provides ample evidence for the correct ghar theory. Raag and Raagnis, I have done a little research on this (not a huge amount), will dig out the sources when I have a spare moment, but basically they refer to a “specific†school of music (there were a few in the medieval times), which was famously used by Tansen, Akbars legendary Darbaari Raagi. There are also many (comparatively recent) mythological stories related to the raag/raagni topic. In the mean time look up Jayadeva’s “Geeta Govinda†and “Srimad Bhagavatamâ€. Please share your findings. With regards to Maharaj, we see a specific system has been used which was prevalent at the time, this system does not use raagnis (as is evident in Gur-bani). Raagmala, I am far from informed or an expert on the subject, so will digress. Sangat can discuss, debate and form conclusions as they wish. To be honest I haven’t had a chance to listen to any Gursikhs kathaa on raagmala i.e. Jathaa Bhinderan/Baba Takur Singh Ji etc, would be interesting if someone could maybe summarise their kathaa on this thread.

Aruna "Kale", obviously wouldn't generate as much interest as Aruna "Narayan"! For recognition of personal achievement , the "shadow" can be curse, but in terms of media success and economic success, it's a blessing!

For those aspiring to the Indian Middle-Class (just jesting) London concerts are at the bottom, for those who can't bear the sunshine in Wolverhampton... For more info - http://surdhwani.org.uk/asp/4-1.asp#surdhwanievent Surdhwani events 19/05/2007 Wolverhampton, WV1 1SB Sitar & Sarod Duet - the Mother and son Duo, Reena & Pratik Shrivastava, a child prodigy (Sitar & Sarod Duet) Reena & Pratik Shrivastava, a mother and son duo with Kouisic Sen on tabla more info 19/06/2007 Wolverhampton Discover Music of India - Meet & Chat with the maestro Rajendra Prasanna ( Shahnai & bansuri) (Meet & Chat) Pandit Rajendra Prasanna - talking about Indian classical music, particularly on shahnai & bansuri more info 23/06/2007 Wolverhampton, WV1 1SB Romantic Music of Varanasi - Pandit Rajendra Prasanna (shahnai & flute) (Shahnai & Bansuri recitals) Pandit Rajendra Prasanna (shahnai & bansuri) with Sanju Sahai (tabla). more info 24/06/2007 London, W14 9HQ Music of the Romantic Varanasi featuring Pandit Rajendra Prasanna (shahnai & bansuri recital) Shahnai and bansuri recitals by Pandit Rajendra Prasanna accompanied by Sanju Sahai on tabla - in association with Vani Fine Arts & Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan more info 11/07/2007 Wolverhampton WV1 4AN Discover Music of India - Meet & Chat with Joydeep Ghosh & Sarathi Chatterjee (Meet & Chat) Meet & Chat with Joydeep Ghosh & Sarathi Chatterjee more info 14/07/2007 Wolverhampton, WV1 1SB Triveni - Sarod, Sursringar and vocal - confluence of three streams - three in one concert (sarod, sursringar and vocal concert) Joydeep Ghosh (sarod & sursringar), Sarathi Chatterjee (vocal) and Shiv Shankar Ray (tabla) - 3 recitals for the price of 1- not to be missed! more info 16/09/2007 London, W14 9HQ Sitar maestro Pandit Budhaditya Mukherjee and his son Bijoyaditya Mukherjee - a father & son duo (Sitar Duet) Pandit Budhaditya Mukherjee and his son Bijoyaditya Mukherjee accompanied on tabla by Rajkumar Misra more info 19/09/2007 Wolverhampton WV1 4AN Sitar Workshop by the mestro Pandit Budhaditya Mukherjee (workshops & master classes) Sitar workshop by the sitar maestro Pandit Budhaditya Mukherjee more info 29/09/2007 Wolverhampton, WV1 1SB Sitar maestro Pandit Budhaditya Mukherjee and his son Bijoyaditya Mukherjee - a father & son duo (Sitar Duet) Sitar duet by Pandit Budhaditya Mukherjee and his son Bijoyaditya Mukherjee accomapnaied by Rajkumar Misra on tabla more info 07/10/2007 Wolverhampton WV1 1RQ Celebration of 60th Anniversary of Indian Independence (Variety Performance) Featuring students of Surdhwani music school, community groups and Sonia Sabri Company (Kathak dance) and Swati Natekar (singing geets, Ghazals, bhajans, thumris and dadras) more info events around the UK 16/06/2007 Gateshead Pandit Rajendra Prasanna (shahnai & bansuri) with Sanju Sahai (tabla) (shahnai & bansuri recitals) Pandit Rajendra Prasanna (shahnai & bansuri) with Sanju Sahai on tabla more info 20/07/2007 London, W14 9HE Triveni - featuring Joydeep Ghosh (sarod & sursringar), Sarathi Chatterjee (vocal) (sarod, sursringar and vocal recitals) Sarod, sursringar and vocal recitals featuring Joydeep Ghosh (sarod & sursringar) and Sarathi Chatterjee (vocal) accompanied by Shiv Shankar Ray on tabla -3 recitals for the price of 1- not to be missed! more info 16/09/2007 London, W14 9HE Sitar maestro Pandit Budhaditya Mukherjee and his son Bijoyaditya Mukherjee - a father & son duo (Sitar Duet) Pandit Budhaditya Mukherjee and his son Bijoyaditya Mukherjee accompanied on tabla by Rajkumar Misra more info

Daughter of the Sarangi Dev/Master/Maestro Pandit Ram Narayan. Should be an amazing concert! Pandit Ji will also be visitng for 3 days at the end of May, and some of us will be getting a masterclass from them (less the master students)! I will try and find out if they are doing any shows in their short stay!! Sat 26 May 7.30pm Jai Hind! - London Venue: LSO St Luke's, 161 Old Street, London EC1V 9NG Jai Hind! is a collaboration between spnm and Asian Music Circuit. This event is part of spnm’s SECOND SIGHT series. Artistic Director: Rolf Hind. Aruna Narayan, sarangi Hanif Khan, tabla Endymion: Adrian Bradbury, cello Helen Tunstall, harp Stephen Gutman, piano Richard Benjafield, percussion “The sarangi expresses the very soul of Indian feeling and thought.†- Yehudi Menuhin Experience a multitude of evocative and newly-imagined sound-worlds as Indian and western instruments combine in a programme of traditional music and freshly-created works. The first half of the evening features traditional music for sarangi and tabla performed by Aruna Narayan, daughter of the instrument’s most famous modern exponent, Ram Narayan. Once the instrument of Hindustani courtesans, the 36-stringed sarangi is a uniquely expressive instrument and considered one of the most difficult to master. Aruna, India’s only female sarangi player, will be accompanied by the outstanding tabla player, Hanif Khan. In the second half, contemporary music ensemble Endymion perform Iannis Xenakis’s Rebonds B and a movement from Olivier Messiaen’s Quartet for the End of Time, and they are joined by Aruna Narayan and Hanif Khan to perform new works written especially for the unique combination of Indian and western instruments by five of the UK’s best up-and-coming composers, Stephen Mark Barchan, Amber Priestley, Evis Sammoutis, Jeremy Thurlow and Nathan Williamson. Tickets: £12 (£8 concessions, £5 spnm members) 020 7638 8891 www.lso.co.uk

http://mountainmusicproject.blogspot.com/ What an adventure!!

My wife was sent this article today. As there have been some recent discussions on Sikhi and "class" affects, it would be somewhat humerous and insightful to share this with you. I personally know quite a few people form Sikh backgrounds who fit this description perfectly, interestingly enough, maintaining this lifestyle has taken priority over maintaining their interest in Sikhi, they even have "real" posh public school accents and can speak at least 2 other European languages (wow). I knew someone "Sikh", completing their BAR, who when asked by a very interested senior Judge at one of their fancy year-end dinners, "what is the significance of a Sikhs untouched hair", was stumped... I even know a bajurg Singh who is in his mid-late 70's, who has bought a house in a "British" south Spain coastal town, who lives there for half of each year, lapping up all the attention he gets from like aged British Gentlemen who think it's cool to have this charming, round buying Sikh as a friend. Poor Bibi just sits at home (Spanish) bored! Not to mention his grand kids missng out on an important grand-parent relationship... Sorry to dampen the mood, enjoy.. Can you afford to be middle class anymore? By Naomi Caine May 11 2007 I describe myself as middle class. But for how much longer? Lately, I have begun to wonder if I can afford to live the dream. Everybody these days has a flash car, a mobile phone, computer kit and goes on holiday at least once a year. So if you want to stand out from the working-class crowd, you have to aim a bit higher. So what exactly defines someone as middle class nowadays? And how much does it cost to be a member of the bourgeoisie? • Red brick, not Oxbridge You have to go to university for a start. And that’s expensive. The shift in the balance of funding from grants to loans means that student life can cost £8,000 a year, or £24,000 over a typical three-year course. Then there’s tuition fees of as much as £3,000 a year, or £9,000 in total. So that comes to £33,000. By the way, if you want to be middle class, you should choose your university – and your course – with care. Bristol, Durham or London are ideal. Oxford and Cambridge are dodgy. You will either be branded a toff, or will be judged to have won your place through social engineering and the sympathy vote. Don’t study anything airy-fairy, such as politics, philosophy or Greek. You should read economics, law or languages – possibly medicine. Don’t be a barrow boy The years of study should mean you can get a job in a nice middle-class profession, such as the civil service or the media. The City is an alternative, but try to stick with the blue-blood firms, such as stockbrokers, merchant banks and possibly hedge-fund managers. There are still a few barrow boys in the City, and you should avoid any contact. A house not a home Next you have to buy a suitable home. You can get away with a flat in London or a chi-chi city such as Bath or Brighton; anywhere else and you really need a house. The average house price has climbed 11% over the past year to £194,362, according to the latest Halifax figures. But if you look at the Prime Country index, the figures are rather different: the average price of a plush home in the country has topped £500,000 for the first time. If you can put down a 10% deposit, you would be left with a mortgage of £450,000. The monthly payments at today’s rates would be about £2,800, or £33,600 a year. Nursery space for Kitty and Freddy A family is a must. How would anyone really know you were middle-class if you couldn’t call your child Kitty or Freddy and talk loudly about violin lessons and horse riding? But children are expensive. A survey by Legal & General reckons they cost about £100 a week. But if you employ a nanny to help out, she won’t get out of bed for less than about £20,000 a year. State school? How terribly common… Of course, the children have to go to a good school – and they are harder to find in the state sector. So expect to fork out £9,000 a year in fees for a private education. If you’ve got two of the little darlings – or you’ve popped out a more fashionable three – then you are looking at £27,000 a year. • A nice villa in Sardinia… Children at private school get longer holidays than children in state schools – and there’s your next expense. You can fly with a low-cost airline only if you have a property abroad; otherwise it’s a no-no. If you’re lucky, your job will involve travel so you can collect Air Miles. If not, you will probably have to dig deep to pay for a BA flight, or an upgrade on another airline. Middle-class parents tend to favour upmarket holiday resorts with childcare facilities. The Forte Village in Sardinia is a popular choice. But a summer holiday for a family of four could easily run up a bill of £10,000. Or what about the uber middle-class Scott Dunn? You could get a nice villa in the Med, complete with a cook and a nanny, for about £6,000. Your life would not be complete without the annual skiing trip, which bumps up your annual holiday budget by another £10,000 … and a second home in the country If you are serious about your status, you also need a house in the country – think Norfolk, Suffolk, Devon or Cornwall. It can’t be too small: where would your friends stay? If you plump for Devon, you will pay a high price. The market in the south-west of England has outstripped the national average, with house prices rising 14% over the past 12 months. The average property now costs more than £200,000, so your monthly mortgage payments would be about £1,300, or £15,600 a year. More wine, anyone? What else? You have to entertain a lot so that you can show off your Farrow & Ball colour scheme and let you children stay up really late and annoy your guests. The budget for entertaining will also be high because you can’t serve supermarket plonk – Oddbins or Nicolas are best, though you could get away with Majestic. Your meat must be farmed locally and your vegetables organic, and preferably delivered to your door through one of those box schemes. You can buy your basics in a supermarket, but only if it’s Waitrose. M&S will also pass muster in some circles. I reckon that an authentic member of the middle classes would spend at least £200 a week on food and entertaining, which adds up to about £10,000 a year. Primark? Do I look like a chav? Talking of shopping, clothes can be a status giveaway. It’s tempting to buy your clothes in Primark or Tesco, but you should think very carefully. You might get away with a cheap T-shirt, as long as you regard it as some sort of social experiment, or a chance to show off your youthful figure and outlook. But on the whole, it’s best to eschew the “value†retailers. Boden is more of a social than a fashion statement and will confirm your status as middle-class. You can also shop in Whistles, Jigsaw and Hobbs. I would risk Gap and Monsoon, but would not cross the threshold of any other high-street chain. It would cost about £10,000 a year to kit out the typical middle-class family. You can add another £1,000 for school uniforms and sports equipment. Have you seen the price of ballet shoes? The true cost of being middle-class The total comes to about £150,000 a year. But I haven’t included cars, or any other incidentals, such as theatre tickets, birthdays and Christmas. So we should increase our budget by at least another £20,000 to cover these extra costs. The total is now creeping up towards £200,000 – and that’s net income. The average family would therefore need to earn at least £250,000 a year. And that’s well above the typical salary of most professionals, unless I am seriously underpaid. What can we do? I think we need to reclaim the middle class ground. Let’s leave catch-up consumerism to the chavtastics and let’s make thrift the true hallmark of the middle class. Second-hand Boden clothes anyone?

"This is my point in the initial post, those who adopt this (and for the record, my initial post addressed all Sikh subsections, but also across all ethnic groups), tend not to be growing in any black ghetto per se, it is purely what non-white second generation youth tend to adopt for the reasons spelt out above." Agreed.

Sorry, meant to say East Africa (Tanzania, Uganda etc) not Kenya, just that most I have met are from Kenya, apologies. Yes veer ji, I know East Africa sangat comprises all denominations. And the whole point of me mentioning GNNSJ was that they are originally/predominantly of East African origin, hence why I said "the only exceptions".. I thought that this would happen, my comment was in no way linked to caste, please read my post again carefully before making such statements. I simply used Ramgharia ""Gurdwarai"" as the best example i could think of, not ""Ramgharias"" per se. Khatris are also regular attendees of Ramgharia Gurdwarai. Nanaksar Gurdwaras, I definately don't agree with, they are mixed and in my experience more heavily of the Indian community, it depends on which Gur-ghar one has experience of I suppose. This is also depends on which Nanaksar faction you are talking of. "however the issue here is that this Group, regardless of their quirks and hang ups, have been the predominant ones to (a) preserve the laaj of the dastaar, as witnessed by the Mandla affair in which predominantly East African Sikhs were at the forefront, ( the most active in terms of maintaining aspects now termed "Gurmat Sangeet", given that the majority of their descendents typically grow up around music and can be found in the the forefront today (be it at places like Nanaksar, GNSJJ, Ramgarhia Gurdwara, Singh Sabha Gurdwara or even in music institutions) and © productively contribute to the host country which they have now become a part of and belong" This is neither here nor there, I personally know productive/educated Gursikh from both dipositions and uneducated/non-sikh from both dispositions. There are many ways to contribute to the panth. I know many quiet, working class Gursikh who do immense seva in Gurdwarai and back in India, and equally know many "educated" middle class "sikhs" who do some seva which is no way nishkaam, although it may be seem to be a productive contribution by masses due to it's unsubtle nature. My point was not to stereotype but to show the balance, the same is true in all other faith groups, be it Muslim, Christian or Hindu, in my experience, on the large part, I have found those truely devoted to be of a simple nature/background. But again this is my experience, not unquestionable fact. But that is not to say that educated, well to do Gursikh do not exist, I have personally experieced more pyaar and devotion in the "poorer" (for want of a better word) classes. I believe the same is true for the original Sikhs who joined the panth also, "most" (not all) were from a low caste, poor, uneducated background, andit was these divine souls that also gave great shaheediyan in the early years. Ultimately all depends on Guru Prasad, which does not see social status. "The instance of ‘gangsta rap’ and ‘black ghetto’ culture is something that develops from the 2nd generations themselves, not a feeble attempt by the immigrant parents to aid in the assimilation process" I think that the gansta rap arguement is only part of the real problem, which is, "having acceptance in the current generation". The immigrant parents are guilty of the same, 2nd, 3rd whatever generations, are simply moving with the times. "A Sikh assimilated into the host white community, which whilst presenting a different set of issues, say singing Kirtan or Dhadhi Varan to the backdrop of Choir music or a 4 piece string quartet!" Good point, I will look into this, although Ican probably provide examples of 3HO doing this (although you say they don't qualify as they are from non-Punjabi background). In addition, you prove my point to an extent, Sikhi exists less in the "upper quartile", hence no Opera Kirtan! "however one can witness plenty of change over the past 5 years in Southall and Birmingham where the likes of the "Tandewale Jatha" Babas and Singhs who have annually arranged an Amrit Sanchar at each Vasakhi at Ramgarhia Gurdwaras." Southall Ramgharia Gurdwara has not had an amrit sanchaar at Vasakhi for many, many years. I usually go to the normally greatly entertaining Vasakhi programme. Funnily enough, this year was the 1st time they held a "home made" amrit sanchar, which was not advertised or communicated to the sangat, just mentioned in one evening divaan 2 weeks prior. Only 1 person took amrit from what I know, thankfully and finally, one of the commitee members!! He was congratulated by the new Pardaan, who didn't decide to amrit, but gave a sermon on the importance for everyone else to take it. Wolverhampton Gurdwara, perish the thought! Your last point is fair enough and a good one, which shows the assimilation of non-East African etc "Sikhs" into western society....

Introduction of the book by Professor Ali S Asani: http://www.iis.ac.uk/SiteAssets/pdf/ecstac...lightenment.pdf

Yes I agree veer ji. The media infection, which is the cause of this disease (cultural evolution?) is largely to blame, although it isn't limited to the gangts"a" rap trend. But the media influence isn't limited to those who choose to join the "downside" of society, it also affects those who dream of joing the "upside" also. Chinese parents are currently teaching "10 million" of their children the violin and "30 million" of their children the piano, all at the expense of loosing, not promoting, not preserving the much more beautiful and much more ancient Chinese musical heritage. It's not just to give their children a chance to earn money orfame, but "up" their status. There are many other examples of classist western trends popularised by the media and emulated by millions globally. You mentioned "well mannered, educated and good citizens" of Kenya and well to do India. In my experience, which in all practical terms is limited as it is for everyone else, meeting Sikhs from this origin, I have found in the large part, have happily and knowingly absorbed British colonial culture, at the expense of their faith, this is easily evidenced in the sad state of nearly all Ramgharia Gurdwarai in the UK today, most of which have been set up by and are run my Kenyan Sikhs, again most of which haven't even taken amrit, yet are happy to take "titles" of Pardhaan, Secretary of the said commitee. For instance, the non-existence of amrit sanchaars in most. I even know personally of Gurdwarai where Gyanis are told not to talk about 1699 or do parchaar in any way thatmay offend the "paying sangat". So well mannered and courteous to think of not offending the sangat. I have spoken to many sikh youth from this background, and most are truely clueless about Sikhi (apologies if it sounds like a stereotype, I say "most", I also know a few highly articulate and devoted individuals). The only exception I have come across is pockets of "educated" Sikhs that have had darshan of sant such as Sant Isher Singh Ji Rara Sahib and the hard working sangat community of Guru Nanak Nishkaam Sevak Jathaa, kirpa of Baba Puran Singh ji Kritchu Vale. The current Jathedaar is perfect example of a highly educated/intellgent and devoted Gursikh. Apologies for the minor outburst, just thought that both ends of the spectrum should be presented.

Professor Azim Nanji Dr Farhad Daftary This article is an edited version of an article originally published under the title ‘Ismaili Sects - South Asia’ in Encyclopedia of Modern Asia, Vol. 3, pp. 185-187, ed. David Levinson and Karen Christensen, New York, 2002. An important Shi‘i Muslim community, the Ismailis as an entity emerged in 765 from a disagreement over the successor to the sixth imam, Ja‘far al-Sadiq. The Ismailis chose Isma‘il and then traced the imamat through Isma‘il’s son Muhammad and the latter’s progeny. The bulk of other Shi‘i, however, eventually recognised 12 imams, descendants of Isma‘il’s brother Musa al-Kazim. The two main Ismaili branches in India are the Musta‘lis (Bohras) and the Nizaris (Khojas). The Nizaris, led by the Aga Khan, also have populations in Pakistan, Iran, Central Asia, East Africa, Europe, and North America. Early History By the middle of the ninth century the religiopolitical message of the Ismaili da‘wa (mission) aiming to win recognition for the Ismaili imam as the rightful interpreter of the Islamic revelation was disseminated in many regions by a network of da‘is (missionaries). The earliest Ismaili missionaries arrived in Sind (in today’s Pakistan) in 883, initiating Ismaili activities in South Asia. By 909, the Ismailis had succeeded in establishing the new Fatimid caliphate with their imam as head, in rivalry with the ‘Abbasid caliphate (750-1258) established by Sunni Muslims. Around 958 an Ismaili principality was established in Sind, with its seat at Multan, where large numbers of Hindus converted to Ismailism. Ismaili rule ended in Sind in 1005, but Ismailism survived in Sind and received the protection of the ruling Sumra dynasty. The Sulayhids of Yemen, who acknowledged the suzerainty of the Ismaili Fatimid caliph-imams, played a crucial role in the renewed efforts of the Fatimids to spread the Ismaili cause in South Asia. In 1067 missionaries sent from Yemen founded a new Ismaili community in Gujarat in western India. The mission maintained close ties with Yemen, and this new Ismaili community evolved into the present Bohra community. In 1094 the Ismaili community became divided over who would become the nineteenth imam; the two branches resulted from this division, each of which developed its own religious and literary traditions. Musta‘li Ismailis (Bohras) The Musta‘li Ismailis founded their stronghold in Yemen, where in the absence of the imams the da‘i acted as executive heads of the da‘wa organisation and as community spiritual leaders. They were designated as da‘i mutlaq (da‘i with absolute authority). The Musta‘li da ‘wa The Musta‘li da‘wa in South Asia remained under the strict supervision of the da‘i and the da‘wa headquarters in Yemen until the second half of the sixteenth century. In South Asia, the Musta‘li Ismaili da‘wa originally spread among the urban artisans and traders of Gujarat; the Hindu converts became known as Bohras. Many were converted in Cambay, Patan, Sidhpur, and later in Ahmadabad, where the Indian headquarters of the Musta‘li da‘wa were established. Early in the sixteenth century the headship of the Musta‘li Ismailis passed to an Indian from Sidhpur, and later the headquarters of this Ismaili community were transferred permanently from Yemen to Ahmadabad, where the da‘i could generally count on the religious tolerance of the Mughal emperors. By then the Ismaili Bohras of South Asia greatly outnumbered their co-religionists in Yemen. Challenges for the Bohras In 1589 a succession dispute over the position of the da‘i mutlaq split the Musta‘li Ismailis into the rival Da‘udi and Sulaymani branches, each of which followed a separate line of da‘i. Subsequently the Da‘udi Bohras were further subdivided in India as a result of periodic challenges to the authority of their da‘i mutlaq. In 1624 a third Bohra splinter group appeared under the name of ‘Aliyya, a small community of 8,000 still centred in Baroda. In 1785 the headquarters of the da‘wa organization of the Da‘udi Bohras were transferred to Surat, still a centre of traditional Islamic and Ismaili learning for the Da‘udi Bohras. The Bohras, like other Shi‘i Muslims, were periodically persecuted in South Asia, and many converted to Sunni Islam, the religion of the Muslim rulers of Gujarat and elsewhere. However, with the consolidation of British rule in India in the early nineteenth century, South Asian Ismailis were no longer subjected to official persecution. The total Da‘udi Bohra population of the world is currently estimated at around 700,000 persons, more than half of whom live in Gujarat. Since the 1920s Bombay has served as the permanent seat of the da‘i mutlaq of the Da‘udi Bohras and the central administration of his da‘wa organisation. The Sulaymani Ismailis, numbering around 60,000, are concentrated in northern Yemen, with only a few thousand Sulaymani Bohras living in South Asia, mainly in Mumbai (Bombay). Nizari Ismailis (Khojas) Nizari Ismaili da‘wa In the late eleventh century, the Nizari Ismailis founded and organised a state with a network of mountain strongholds in Iran and Syria, which the Mongols destroyed in 1256. Around the thirteenth century, the Nizari Ismaili da‘wa was introduced into the Indian subcontinent. The earliest Nizari da‘i operating in South Asia apparently concentrated their efforts in Sind (modern-day Punjab in Pakistan), where Ismailism had persisted clandestinely since Fatimid times. Nizari da‘is were referred to as pirs in South Asia. Pir Shams al-Din is the earliest figure associated with the commencement of Nizari Ismaili activities in Sind. The Nizari da‘wa continued to be preached secretly in Sind by descendants of Shams. By the time of Pir Sadr al-Din, a great-grandson of Pir Shams, Nizari missionaries had established their own hereditary dynasty of pirs in South Asia with sporadic contacts with the Nizari imams who continued to reside in Iran. Pir Sadr al-Din consolidated and organised Nizari activities in South Asia and strengthened the Nizari Ismaili, or Khoja, community in the Indian subcontinent. His shrine is located near Ucch, south of Multan. Sadr al-Din converted many Hindus from the Lohana trading caste and gave them the title of Khoja. The specific Nizari Ismaili tradition that developed in India is sometimes referred to by the vernacular translation of the Qur’anic term sirat al-mustaqim, rendered as Satpanth (sat panth) or the ‘true way’. Pir Sadr al-Din was succeeded by his son Hasan Kabir al-Din, who eventually settled in Ucch, which served as the seat of Nizari Ismailism in South Asia. Pir Hasan was reportedly affiliated with the Suhrawardi Sufi order, at the time prevalent in western and northern India. Multan and Ucch in Sind, where Ismailism had become established, were also the headquarters of the Suhrawardi and Qadiri Sufi orders. In the next two or three centuries Ismailism, in its Nizari form, re-emerged in the subcontinent, in forms and ideas having much in common with Sufism. The nature of this relationship is not clear, but recent research suggests that the Ismailis along with the Sufis spearheaded the spread of Islam in rural areas of India. The Ismaili heritage and contribution to Islam in South Asia are best reflected in their literary traditions, preserved and developed over centuries and aptly called ginans, from the Sanskrit jnana, meaning reflective or contemplative knowledge. After the death of Pir Hasan Kabir al-Din a section of the community seceded and established itself in Gujarat, becoming known as Imam Shahis. The majority continued to adhere to the authority of the Nizari imams. Ginans and Their Historical Context Expressions of devotion and spirituality With scholars’ growing realisation that oral and so-called popular expressions of Muslim devotion and spirituality constitute a vital component of Islamic life and practice, there is increasing interest in the texts that preserve, in local languages, the devotional spirit of Muslim mysticism in the Indian subcontinent. In the South Asian context such texts represent part of the processes of conversion, negotiation, and transmission of established traditions of Muslim spirituality and ideas. The ginans emerged in a milieu where both oral and written traditions were well established. Because of their primary role in ritual and religious life, the performative and recitative elements of such devotional expressions were much more pronounced than was the case, for instance, for Sufi poetry. Among the Nizari Ismailis, ginan has come to refer to that part of their tradition whose authorship is attributed to the pirs who undertook conversion and preaching. It is important to distinguish the various strands making up the hagiography of the pirs and to isolate the elements that reflect traces of ancient tradition and form the nucleus of later narratives. These are rarely concerned with imparting objective records of the past; the true value of the ginan narratives lies in their dual perspective on the tradition: one level mirroring the impact and continuing influence of the earlier pirs on the community’s collective memory, and the other revealing the community’s beliefs and understanding at various stages in its history. Modern Period The 46th Nizari Ismaili Imam Hasan Ali Shah (1817-1881), who received the honorific title of Aga Khan (‘lord’) from the monarch of Iran, Fath Ali Shah Qajar, emigrated from Iran to India in the 1840s and eventually settled in Bombay; he was the first Nizari Ismaili imam to live in India. Aga Khan I established elaborate headquarters and residences in Bombay, Poona, and Bangalore. As the spiritual head of a Muslim community, like other communities in British India, Aga Khan I was accorded recognition of his role in the legal framework of the empire. Aga Khan I tried to strengthen the religious identity of his followers. His successors to the Nizari Ismaili imamat adopted modernisation policies and introduced new administrative and institutional frameworks for guiding the affairs of their Khoja and other Nizari followers. Sultan Muhammad Shah, Aga Khan III, the 48th imam, led the Nizari Ismailis for 72 years (1885-1957), longer than any of his predecessors. He became well known as a Muslim reformer and statesman owing to his prominent role in Indo-Muslim and international affairs, as well as a wealthy sportsman and breeder of racehorses. The Nizari Khojas, along with Bohras, were among the earliest Asian communities to settle in East Africa. Many from the Nizari Khoja communities of East Africa, India, and Pakistan have emigrated to Europe and North America since the 1970s. The Khojas today represent an integral part of the Nizari communities scattered in more than twenty-five countries. They currently recognize Prince Karim Aga Khan IV as their 49th imam. The present Nizari imam continued and substantially expanded the modernisation policies of his grandfather and predecessor and developed new programmes and institutions, including the prestigious Aga Khan Award for Architecture. Under the leadership of their recent imams, the South Asian and other Nizari Ismailis, numbering several millions, have entered the twenty-first century as a prosperous and progressive community with a distinct identity and a variety of regional traditions. Further Reading Abdul Husain, Mian Bhai Mulla, Gulzare Daudi, for the Bohras of India, Ahmadabad, India: Amarsinhji Press, 1920. Ali, Syed Mujtaba, The Origin of the Khojahs and Their Religious Life Today. Wiirzburg, Germany: R. Mayr, 1936. Asani, Ali S., ‘The Ismaili Ginans as Devotional Literature’, Devotional Literature in South Asia, ed. R. S. McGregor. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, pp. 101-112, 1992. Daftary, Farhad, The Ismailis: Their History and Doctrines, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Hamdani, Abbas H., The Beginnings of the Ismaili Da‘wa in Northern India, Cairo, Egypt: Sirovic Bookshop, 1956. Kassam, Tazim R, Songs of Wisdom and Circles of Dance: Hymns of the Satpanth Ismaili Muslim Saint, Pir Shams, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1995. Lokhandwall, Shamoon T., ‘The Bohras, a Muslim Community of Gujarat’, Studia Islamica 3, pp. 117-135, 1955. Nanji, Azim., The Nizari Ismaili Tradition in the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent, Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1978. Schimmel, Annemarie, Mystical Dimensions of Islam, Chapel Hill, NC University of North Carolina Press, 1975. Shackle, Christopher, and Zawahir Moir, Ismaili Hymns from South Asia: An Introduction to the Ginans, London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1992.

Professor Azim Nanji Dr Farhad Daftary This article is an edited version of an article originally published under the title ‘Ismaili Sects - South Asia’ in Encyclopedia of Modern Asia, Vol. 3, pp. 185-187, ed. David Levinson and Karen Christensen, New York, 2002. An important Shi‘i Muslim community, the Ismailis as an entity emerged in 765 from a disagreement over the successor to the sixth imam, Ja‘far al-Sadiq. The Ismailis chose Isma‘il and then traced the imamat through Isma‘il’s son Muhammad and the latter’s progeny. The bulk of other Shi‘i, however, eventually recognised 12 imams, descendants of Isma‘il’s brother Musa al-Kazim. The two main Ismaili branches in India are the Musta‘lis (Bohras) and the Nizaris (Khojas). The Nizaris, led by the Aga Khan, also have populations in Pakistan, Iran, Central Asia, East Africa, Europe, and North America. Early History By the middle of the ninth century the religiopolitical message of the Ismaili da‘wa (mission) aiming to win recognition for the Ismaili imam as the rightful interpreter of the Islamic revelation was disseminated in many regions by a network of da‘is (missionaries). The earliest Ismaili missionaries arrived in Sind (in today’s Pakistan) in 883, initiating Ismaili activities in South Asia. By 909, the Ismailis had succeeded in establishing the new Fatimid caliphate with their imam as head, in rivalry with the ‘Abbasid caliphate (750-1258) established by Sunni Muslims. Around 958 an Ismaili principality was established in Sind, with its seat at Multan, where large numbers of Hindus converted to Ismailism. Ismaili rule ended in Sind in 1005, but Ismailism survived in Sind and received the protection of the ruling Sumra dynasty. The Sulayhids of Yemen, who acknowledged the suzerainty of the Ismaili Fatimid caliph-imams, played a crucial role in the renewed efforts of the Fatimids to spread the Ismaili cause in South Asia. In 1067 missionaries sent from Yemen founded a new Ismaili community in Gujarat in western India. The mission maintained close ties with Yemen, and this new Ismaili community evolved into the present Bohra community. In 1094 the Ismaili community became divided over who would become the nineteenth imam; the two branches resulted from this division, each of which developed its own religious and literary traditions. Musta‘li Ismailis (Bohras) The Musta‘li Ismailis founded their stronghold in Yemen, where in the absence of the imams the da‘i acted as executive heads of the da‘wa organisation and as community spiritual leaders. They were designated as da‘i mutlaq (da‘i with absolute authority). The Musta‘li da ‘wa The Musta‘li da‘wa in South Asia remained under the strict supervision of the da‘i and the da‘wa headquarters in Yemen until the second half of the sixteenth century. In South Asia, the Musta‘li Ismaili da‘wa originally spread among the urban artisans and traders of Gujarat; the Hindu converts became known as Bohras. Many were converted in Cambay, Patan, Sidhpur, and later in Ahmadabad, where the Indian headquarters of the Musta‘li da‘wa were established. Early in the sixteenth century the headship of the Musta‘li Ismailis passed to an Indian from Sidhpur, and later the headquarters of this Ismaili community were transferred permanently from Yemen to Ahmadabad, where the da‘i could generally count on the religious tolerance of the Mughal emperors. By then the Ismaili Bohras of South Asia greatly outnumbered their co-religionists in Yemen. Challenges for the Bohras In 1589 a succession dispute over the position of the da‘i mutlaq split the Musta‘li Ismailis into the rival Da‘udi and Sulaymani branches, each of which followed a separate line of da‘i. Subsequently the Da‘udi Bohras were further subdivided in India as a result of periodic challenges to the authority of their da‘i mutlaq. In 1624 a third Bohra splinter group appeared under the name of ‘Aliyya, a small community of 8,000 still centred in Baroda. In 1785 the headquarters of the da‘wa organization of the Da‘udi Bohras were transferred to Surat, still a centre of traditional Islamic and Ismaili learning for the Da‘udi Bohras. The Bohras, like other Shi‘i Muslims, were periodically persecuted in South Asia, and many converted to Sunni Islam, the religion of the Muslim rulers of Gujarat and elsewhere. However, with the consolidation of British rule in India in the early nineteenth century, South Asian Ismailis were no longer subjected to official persecution. The total Da‘udi Bohra population of the world is currently estimated at around 700,000 persons, more than half of whom live in Gujarat. Since the 1920s Bombay has served as the permanent seat of the da‘i mutlaq of the Da‘udi Bohras and the central administration of his da‘wa organisation. The Sulaymani Ismailis, numbering around 60,000, are concentrated in northern Yemen, with only a few thousand Sulaymani Bohras living in South Asia, mainly in Mumbai (Bombay). Nizari Ismailis (Khojas) Nizari Ismaili da‘wa In the late eleventh century, the Nizari Ismailis founded and organised a state with a network of mountain strongholds in Iran and Syria, which the Mongols destroyed in 1256. Around the thirteenth century, the Nizari Ismaili da‘wa was introduced into the Indian subcontinent. The earliest Nizari da‘i operating in South Asia apparently concentrated their efforts in Sind (modern-day Punjab in Pakistan), where Ismailism had persisted clandestinely since Fatimid times. Nizari da‘is were referred to as pirs in South Asia. Pir Shams al-Din is the earliest figure associated with the commencement of Nizari Ismaili activities in Sind. The Nizari da‘wa continued to be preached secretly in Sind by descendants of Shams. By the time of Pir Sadr al-Din, a great-grandson of Pir Shams, Nizari missionaries had established their own hereditary dynasty of pirs in South Asia with sporadic contacts with the Nizari imams who continued to reside in Iran. Pir Sadr al-Din consolidated and organised Nizari activities in South Asia and strengthened the Nizari Ismaili, or Khoja, community in the Indian subcontinent. His shrine is located near Ucch, south of Multan. Sadr al-Din converted many Hindus from the Lohana trading caste and gave them the title of Khoja. The specific Nizari Ismaili tradition that developed in India is sometimes referred to by the vernacular translation of the Qur’anic term sirat al-mustaqim, rendered as Satpanth (sat panth) or the ‘true way’. Pir Sadr al-Din was succeeded by his son Hasan Kabir al-Din, who eventually settled in Ucch, which served as the seat of Nizari Ismailism in South Asia. Pir Hasan was reportedly affiliated with the Suhrawardi Sufi order, at the time prevalent in western and northern India. Multan and Ucch in Sind, where Ismailism had become established, were also the headquarters of the Suhrawardi and Qadiri Sufi orders. In the next two or three centuries Ismailism, in its Nizari form, re-emerged in the subcontinent, in forms and ideas having much in common with Sufism. The nature of this relationship is not clear, but recent research suggests that the Ismailis along with the Sufis spearheaded the spread of Islam in rural areas of India. The Ismaili heritage and contribution to Islam in South Asia are best reflected in their literary traditions, preserved and developed over centuries and aptly called ginans, from the Sanskrit jnana, meaning reflective or contemplative knowledge. After the death of Pir Hasan Kabir al-Din a section of the community seceded and established itself in Gujarat, becoming known as Imam Shahis. The majority continued to adhere to the authority of the Nizari imams. Ginans and Their Historical Context Expressions of devotion and spirituality With scholars’ growing realisation that oral and so-called popular expressions of Muslim devotion and spirituality constitute a vital component of Islamic life and practice, there is increasing interest in the texts that preserve, in local languages, the devotional spirit of Muslim mysticism in the Indian subcontinent. In the South Asian context such texts represent part of the processes of conversion, negotiation, and transmission of established traditions of Muslim spirituality and ideas. The ginans emerged in a milieu where both oral and written traditions were well established. Because of their primary role in ritual and religious life, the performative and recitative elements of such devotional expressions were much more pronounced than was the case, for instance, for Sufi poetry. Among the Nizari Ismailis, ginan has come to refer to that part of their tradition whose authorship is attributed to the pirs who undertook conversion and preaching. It is important to distinguish the various strands making up the hagiography of the pirs and to isolate the elements that reflect traces of ancient tradition and form the nucleus of later narratives. These are rarely concerned with imparting objective records of the past; the true value of the ginan narratives lies in their dual perspective on the tradition: one level mirroring the impact and continuing influence of the earlier pirs on the community’s collective memory, and the other revealing the community’s beliefs and understanding at various stages in its history. Modern Period The 46th Nizari Ismaili Imam Hasan Ali Shah (1817-1881), who received the honorific title of Aga Khan (‘lord’) from the monarch of Iran, Fath Ali Shah Qajar, emigrated from Iran to India in the 1840s and eventually settled in Bombay; he was the first Nizari Ismaili imam to live in India. Aga Khan I established elaborate headquarters and residences in Bombay, Poona, and Bangalore. As the spiritual head of a Muslim community, like other communities in British India, Aga Khan I was accorded recognition of his role in the legal framework of the empire. Aga Khan I tried to strengthen the religious identity of his followers. His successors to the Nizari Ismaili imamat adopted modernisation policies and introduced new administrative and institutional frameworks for guiding the affairs of their Khoja and other Nizari followers. Sultan Muhammad Shah, Aga Khan III, the 48th imam, led the Nizari Ismailis for 72 years (1885-1957), longer than any of his predecessors. He became well known as a Muslim reformer and statesman owing to his prominent role in Indo-Muslim and international affairs, as well as a wealthy sportsman and breeder of racehorses. The Nizari Khojas, along with Bohras, were among the earliest Asian communities to settle in East Africa. Many from the Nizari Khoja communities of East Africa, India, and Pakistan have emigrated to Europe and North America since the 1970s. The Khojas today represent an integral part of the Nizari communities scattered in more than twenty-five countries. They currently recognize Prince Karim Aga Khan IV as their 49th imam. The present Nizari imam continued and substantially expanded the modernisation policies of his grandfather and predecessor and developed new programmes and institutions, including the prestigious Aga Khan Award for Architecture. Under the leadership of their recent imams, the South Asian and other Nizari Ismailis, numbering several millions, have entered the twenty-first century as a prosperous and progressive community with a distinct identity and a variety of regional traditions. Further Reading Abdul Husain, Mian Bhai Mulla, Gulzare Daudi, for the Bohras of India, Ahmadabad, India: Amarsinhji Press, 1920. Ali, Syed Mujtaba, The Origin of the Khojahs and Their Religious Life Today. Wiirzburg, Germany: R. Mayr, 1936. Asani, Ali S., ‘The Ismaili Ginans as Devotional Literature’, Devotional Literature in South Asia, ed. R. S. McGregor. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, pp. 101-112, 1992. Daftary, Farhad, The Ismailis: Their History and Doctrines, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Hamdani, Abbas H., The Beginnings of the Ismaili Da‘wa in Northern India, Cairo, Egypt: Sirovic Bookshop, 1956. Kassam, Tazim R, Songs of Wisdom and Circles of Dance: Hymns of the Satpanth Ismaili Muslim Saint, Pir Shams, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1995. Lokhandwall, Shamoon T., ‘The Bohras, a Muslim Community of Gujarat’, Studia Islamica 3, pp. 117-135, 1955. Nanji, Azim., The Nizari Ismaili Tradition in the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent, Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1978. Schimmel, Annemarie, Mystical Dimensions of Islam, Chapel Hill, NC University of North Carolina Press, 1975. Shackle, Christopher, and Zawahir Moir, Ismaili Hymns from South Asia: An Introduction to the Ginans, London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1992.

http://www.gurmatveechar.com/keertan.php Forum Sangat ji, I try not to speak negatively of anyone (so Vaheguru please forgive me), but I am posting this link, which can serve as educational as it contains shabds in the 31 shud raags. However, what I also want to try and demonstrate is why many people prefer AKJ/Sant/Filmi (with all due respect) style kirtan to raag kirtan. Professor ji in my opinion is a classic example of someone who learnt classical raag and applied it literally and technically, as many raags still do today. What is missing here is the actual "raag", the ras, the rang... Nirdaareth raag is more to do with expressing Guru Maharajs mood at the time they wrote the shabd, that mood was not a technical presentation. The technical rules serve only as the skeleton or framework. It is impossible to tell the mood of person if all you look at is an x-ray of their bone structure. To see and feel the mood of a person we need to see the flesh and blood on the bones, we need to see body language, facial expression, hear the tone of someones voice - alongside incorporating and assesing the words being spoken. Raag, when understood and applied correctly does exactly this. This is understood through the musicology of the raag. Simply following technical rules does not make Guru-mat kirtan, neither does simply expressing ones emotions using popular tunes. Guru Ji's scientific framework, artistic expression and sprititual understanding must all be combined and expressed to perform Guru-mat Kirtan.

LOL - preservation, beautification and correct use of language doesn't seem to be as popular in todays age (globally). The real shame, is not that British born Sikhs can't articulate their thoughts through English, but that the majority of the "indigenous" (as indigenous as a repeatedly conquered people can be) population have such a dreadful standard of their mother tongue. At least many 1st generation Sikhs have an excuse i.e. their parents not being able to speak English or not having any knowledge of, and thus being unable to guide their children through a western education (as feeble an excuse as it may sound). The same is probably true for most of the global population and preservation of their language, culture and faith.

Historical Significance Given its vital role in their daily religious life, clearly the modern Isma’ili community cannot be understood without a historical appreciation of the significance of the ginan tradition and of the evolution of Satpanth Isma’ilism in the Indian subcontinent. Not only has this cumulative tradition been pivotal to the genesis of a unique South Asian Shi’ite Muslim subculture through the conversion and intermarriage of Isma’ili Muslims with Hindus, it has also sustained and preserved a small and generally beleaguered religio-ethnic community over a period of some eight centuries. Furthermore, the successful creation and establishment of the Satpanth Isma’ili community in the region of the Indian subcontinent has had economic ramifications that have helped firmly to secure the institutional foundations of the contemporary Isma’ili community. Despite this role, it is a disquieting fact that scholarship on this Shi’ah Muslim sect has yet to appreciate fully the religious and historical significance of Satpanth Isma’llism. It has been rightly remarked that the Isma’ilis are “a tiny minority of a minority within the Muslim faith.â€20 The sect is estimated to be about eight percent of the Shi’ah branch of Islam, itself comprising a mere fifth of the Muslim world. The Isma’ilis form an international community of about fifteen million people spread across more than twenty-five countries. As a result of successive emigrations throughout their history, Isma’ili communities are to be found in many different parts of the world.21 There are three main subdivisions within the present worldwide Isma’llI community based on ethnic origin, a common history, and cultural tradition: Middle Eastern, Central and East Asian, and South Asian. For many centuries, however, fearing persecution on account of their religious identity, the Isma’ilis of Central and East Asia (Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and Chinese and Russian Turkestan) and parts of the Middle East (Syria, Iran, Lebanon, Iraq, and Kuwait) have lived in secrecy. Hence, to date, little is known about the regionally specific religious practices and traditions of these Isma’ili communities. Of the tributaries of successors of the Fatimid and Nizarl Isma’ili tradition, the most visible is the Satpanth Isma’ili community of the Indian subcontinent whose offspring are found in South Asia (Pakistan, India, Indonesia), Africa (Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, West and South Africa) and the West (Europe, Britain, Canada, Australia, and the U.S.A.). Mainly descendants of the Khojahs (the name of the Indian converts to Satpanth),22 these Isma’llls have played a prominant role in shaping modern Isma’llI history, and in building up its numerous institutions. While this is slowly changing, Isma’llls of South Asian descent currently occupy the most influential and high-ranking positions of Isma’ili regional and international councils, and constitute the main economic base of the community. As political changes occur in Central and East Asia, Russia, and the Middle East, it has become increasingly apparent that, since the decline of the Fatimid empire, pockets of Isma’ilis have managed quietly to survive in many discrete areas, and they have embraced over the centuries aspects of their cultural and linguistic environment.23 However, the existence of this plurality of Isma’ili traditions has yet to have an impact on the prevailing religious structures and mores of the modern Isma’ili community. The prevalent ritual and devotional ethos found among the Isma’ilis today in religious centers and prayer halls across the globe continues to be that of Satpanth Isma’ilism, the form of Isma’ilism that evolved in the Indian subcontinent.24 From showcase Isma’llI edifices, such as the Ismaili Centre at Cromwell Gardens in London and the monumental Burnaby jama at khdnah in Vancouver, to simpler places of prayer and communal gathering spread across East Africa, Pakistan, and the Indian subcontinent, with the exception of the central dua which is recited in Arabic, religious ceremonies are conducted mainly in Gujarati or Urdu and follow the practice of the Satpanth tradition. In a world marked by constant and dramatic changes, particularly in the last two centuries, this heritage of Satpanth Isma’ili devotions and practices has provided a liturgical language of continuity, stability, and cohesion to an otherwise scattered and often oppressed religious minority. As noted earlier, despite the formative historical role of the Satpanth tradition, it has barely received the scholarly attention it deserves. This book is but a small step towards remedying this situation. Too little is known about the foundations of this stream of Isma’ili Islam and how it spread from the Middle East to the Indian subcontinent through the deft maneuvers of Isma’llI pirs or preacher-poets. To investigate this early period, I have focused attention on the ginans attributed to one of the first preachers of the tradition, Pir Shams. Next to an obscure figure who may have preceded him called Satgur Nur, Pir Shams appears to have played a seminal role in the establishment of Isma’llism in Sind. Part II of this work makes available for the first time a complete translation of an anthology of 106 ginans attributed to this venerable Isma’ili dai of the twelfth century.25 In the first part of this book, I advance a theory of the origins of Satpanth that significantly revises current views concerning the formative period of the Satpanth Isma’llI tradition. In general, the successful spread of Isma’ili ideas in the Indian subcontinent has been viewed in terms of the literary activity and preaching of the pirs which gave rise to the ginan tradition. That is, the Isma’ili pirs supposedly won converts to Isma’llI teachings, which they called satpanth (true path), by conveying them in hymns using Hindu symbols and themes. However, a careful reconstruction of the historical period marking the entry of Isma’llism into the Indian subcontinent and a cautious but trenchant reading of allusions preserved in the ginans associated with the name of Pir Shams strongly suggests that the origin of Satpanth Isma’llism was a much more complex affair involving not just religious but also political realities. I will attempt to demonstrate that, in addition to the inspirational oral teachings of the pirs embodied by the ginan tradition, a number of social and political factors played a crucial role in giving birth to the unique form of Isma’llism called Satpanth.