shaheediyan

Ritual Performance The performative context of the ginans and their intimate link to the ritual practices of Satpanth Isma’llism demonstrate the central place of this tradition of hymns in the religious life of this South Asian Shi’ite Muslim community. Ginan recitation in the daily communal services of the Satpanth Isma’llis represents a long tradition of liturgical prayer. The religious meaning of these hymns is centered in their ritualized performance. Religious benefit is accrued by the actual vocalization or recitation of a ginan, and, thus, it is uncommon for a book of ginans to be silently read in prayer. In the context of Satpanth practice, ginans come to life when they are sung, and to sing a ginan is to pray. Singing is thus ritualized into worship, a characteristic feature of the religious setting of India. The ginan of the Isma’ill pir is the Satpanth counterpart of the Hindu geet, bhajan, or kirtan and forms a continuum in the expressive and inspirational aspects of the North Indian Sant and Bhakti traditions in the context of which poetry, melody, and communal worship fuse to create religious ardor. In terms of their ritual role, ginans function primarily as performative texts or songs inasmuch as the spirit of a ginan comes alive when it is being recited.5 According to the older religious specialists (al-wai’zin) within the community, the melodies (rag) of ginans were set by their composers to create the proper mood and disposition for prayer. The traditional view is that a ginan ought to be recited by heart truly to have effect because singing from a book places undue reliance on an external source and introduces an intermediary between worshipper and God. The most faithful rendition of ginans was once considered to be found in oral memory, not in written manuscripts.6 Hence, elderly ginan teachers of the community (jama’at) put great emphasis on the memorization of ginans, arguing that, as ritual prayer and invocations, they should issue directly from the heart. Only when thus memorized and internalized would ginans manifest the power of sabda (sacred word), a requirement analogous to that held for the efficacious recitation of the Qur’an and the Vedas. This unmediated link between the ginans and the believer’s heart is stressed, not only by an emphasis on memorization, but also on the correct receptivity or audition of the ginans. A verse from a ginan attributed to Pir Sadr al-Dln describes what impact the recitation of ginans may have on the heart of a devotee: gindna bolore nita nure bharlyd, evd haide tamare harakhand mdeji Recite ginans and the self fills with Light! Thus will your hearts be made blissful.7 Ginans are also believed to have this power to transform and to enlighten if properly attended to. Many stories in the tradition describe the miraculous conversion to Satpanth of Hindus, bandits, wild beasts, and pigeons upon hearing the sweet and melodious words of the ginans.8 This belief in the transformative power of melodic recitation combined with the fervent chorus of congregational singing has been captured in a popular tale about the late Ismail Ganji. Reputedly an impious Isma’llI of Junagadh in Gujarat, he heard a verse of a ginan one evening in the jama at khanah which so touched him that he burst into tears. Immediately, he repented his wayward ways and began a new life. So thoroughly did he reform himself that he was eventually appointed chief minister in the court of the ruler of Junagadh.9 As an integral part of their communal worship, the recitation of ginans in the religious life of the Satpanth Isma’ills has served the multiple purposes of prayer, expressing devotion, and imparting the teachings of Satpanth. It is not surprising, therefore, that ginans are a deeply cherished tradition. G. Allana describes an attachment widely shared in the Satpanth Isma’li. community for this tradition of devotional singing: “Ever since my early childhood, I recall hearing the sweet music of the ginans. When I was a little boy, my mother, Sharfibai would lift me, put me in her lap and sing to me the ginans of Ismaili Pirs. She had a very serene and melodious voice. I did not understand, then, as to what they were all about. I loved my mother, as well as her enchanting voice. My initiation into the realms of poetry and music was through the ginans“.10 Later on, Allana describes the stirring and uplifting mood created by his mother’s predawn recitations of ginans in the jama at khanah (hall of prayer or assembly): “Everybody listened to her bewitching voice, singing a ginan. No other person, as is normally customary, dare join his or her voice with hers to sing in a chorus. . . . The fragrance of that spiritual atmosphere still lingers in my mind. . . . The weight of life’s burdens dissolved.â€11 Ginans are recited daily in the jama at khdnahs during morning and evening services. Unlike the Sufi practice of sama or the Hindu kirtan, however, ginan recitation is not (presently) accompanied by any musical instruments.12 A member of the congregation, male or female, who knows how to recite ginans is usually called upon by the mukhi (chief of ceremonies) to lead the recitation. Although singers may vary in how they embellish the tunes, in general, they follow a simple and uniform melody. In most instances, ginan tunes can be learned without difficulty, and singers rarely have any formal musical or voice training. However, good singers are easily identifiable by their melodious voices, tuneful renderings, and correct pronunciation. Beautiful recitation is praised and encouraged, and it is not uncommon for individual members of the congregation to express personally their feelings of appreciation to ginan reciters. On special festivals, reputed reciters who can sing a large repertoire of ginans, and who have been noted for their moving delivery, are called upon to sing. These individuals, however, do not collectively constitute a special or distinct class of performers within the jama at (congregation).13 While the recitation of a ginan constitutes a ritual in itself, ginans also play a vital role in the conduct of other rites of worship performed by Satpanth Isma’ills in their jama at khanahs. This intimate relationship to rituals is indicated by the classification and arrangement of ginans found in several ginan manuscripts and printed editions. Specific ginans are indicated for different times and types of prayer, for special occasions, and for various religious ceremonies. Evening prayers, for example, usually commence with ginans that emphasize the importance of prayer during the auspicious hours of sunset.†Certain ginans that dwell upon mystical themes are recommended for the subhu sadkhak (literally, the quester before dawn). These ginans are recited before or after periods of meditation in the early morning hours. Ventijo ginans are recited for the sake of supplication or petition for divine mercy. Ghatpat ginans accompany the ritual of drinking holy water, and a subcategory of these are sung when the water is actually sanctified. Similarly, select ginans are recited at funeral assemblies, during the celebrations of Navruz (the Persian New Year), and to commemorate the installation of the Imam of the time (hadir imam). Thus, a native taxonomy of ginans has been developed within the tradition for specific occasions and ritual usage.15 The recitation of ginans is not restricted to worship but permeates the personal and communal life of the Satpanth Isma’ills. Frequently, social functions and festive occasions commence with a recitation of a Qur’anic verse followed by a few verses of a ginan. Various councils that administer to the religious and secular needs of the community may similarly begin their meetings with a ginan recitation. In addition to sponsoring ginan competitions to encourage beautiful recitation and correct pronunciation, the community occasionally holds “special concerts or ginan mehfillmushairo . . . during which professional and amateur singers recite ginans to musical accompaniment.â€16 With the arrival of the tape recorder in the modern world, many mushairas as well as individual singers have been recorded, and it is not uncommon to find prerecorded ginan audio tapes constantly replayed at a Satpanth Isma’ili’s home to fill it with an atmosphere of devotion and invoke blessings (barakah) upon the household. The significance of ginans in the Satpanth Isma’ili tradition derives from this nexus among devotional song, ritual worship, and sacred community.†The recitation of ginans marks off sacred time and space by creating a feeling of “majestic pathos and beauty,â€18 while it also gives expression to a sense of communal identity and fraternity. Binding its participants to an experience of listening, singing, and feeling, this performative aspect of the ginan tradition has played a crucial role in sustaining the spirit of the Satpanth tradition and its teachings.19

Ginans November 11th, 2006 by ismailism The following is a very useful introduction of the ginans in Tazim Kassam’s book ‘Songs of Wisdom and Circles of Dance’. This book is a complete English translation of Pir Sham’s ginans. For those interested in ginans, this is an invaluable book to have. Ginans: A Wonderful Tradition Coursing through cultures and time, tuneful verse has given immediate and moving expression to the human longing for the divine. Poetry strung on sweet melodies, sacred hymns and songs bear testimony to the religious life of the devout and to the sonorous and inspiring vocal artistry of saints and minstrels. Such is the ginan tradition of the Satpanth Khojahs, Indian successors of the Fatimid and Nizari Isma’llI sect of the Shi’ah Muslims. A heritage of devotional poetry, the ginan tradition is rooted in the musical and poetic matrix of Indian culture where, from village street to temple stage, the human voice sings in love divine. Traditionally recited during daily ritual prayers, ginans have been revered for generations among the Satpanth Isma’llls as sacred compositions (sastra). The term ginan itself has a double significance: on the one hand, it means religious knowledge or wisdom, analogous to the Sanskrit word jnana; on the other hand, it means song or recitation, which suggests a link to the Arabic ganna and the Urdu/Hindi gana, both verbs meaning to sing.1 The present imam or spiritual head of the “Shia Imami Ismaili Muslims,â€2 His Highness Prince Karlm al-Husaynl Agha Khan IV, has plainly endorsed and recommended the ginan tradition many times to his followers in his directives (farman). During his visit to Dacca in 1960, he described the ginans as a “wonderful traditionâ€:3 “I feel that unless we are able to continue this wonderful tradition . . . we will lose some of our past which is most important to us and must be kept throughout our lives.†Dacca, 17.10.1960 Four years later, he reminded his followers in Karachi of the unique importance of the tradition: “Many times I have recommended to my spiritual children that they should remember the Ginans, that they should understand the meaning of these Ginans and that they should carry these meanings in their hearts. It is most important that my spiritual children from wherever they may come should, through the ages and from generation to generation, hold to this tradition which is so special, so unique and so important to my jamat.†Karachi, 16.12.1964 The Satpanth Isma’Ilis regard the ginans as a sacred corpus of devotional and didactic poetry composed by their da’is or pirs (revered teachers and guides) who came to the Indian subcontinent between the eleventh and twentieth centuries C.E. to preach Isma’lli Islam. Known as Hind and Sind by medieval Muslim geographers at the time, this area stretched from the highlands of Baluchistan to the Bay of Bengal and from Kashmir to Sri Lanka. The landmass is now divided into the nations of Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. The activities of the Isma’llI da’wah (mission) were mainly concentrated in the northwestern area of the subcontinent, including the provinces of Sind, Punjab, Multan, Gujarat and Malwa, Kashmir, and present-day Rajasthan, Cutch, and Ka-thiawad. Ginans are thus extant in several Indian languages, among which Gujarati, Hindi, Punjabi, Saraiki, and Sindhi are prominent. Ginanic vocabulary is also peppered with loan words from Persian, Arabic, and Sanskrit. The songs are rich in imagery and symbolism drawn from the spiritual and cultural milieu of the Indian subcontinent. Indeed, they have been so deeply influenced by the distinctive religious idiom and vocabulary of Hindu, Sufi, and Tantric traditions that their links to Fatimid or Nizari Isma’Ilism are not easily discerned. The entire ginan corpus consists of about one thousand works whose lengths vary from five to four hundred verses.4 Less than a tenth of this sizable vernacular South Asian Muslim literature has been edited and translated, much less analyzed.

A brief introduction. http://ismailimail.wordpress.com/2007/04/2...tory-of-ginans/ Please add to this thread.

Apologies, I should have checked 1st, this video has been posted here before. Admin, please feel free to remove this post. Sorry!

http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-7...291&q=sikhs Found this. Some nice shots of beautiful shastar in the collection (shame the video quality is poor). There is Singh who says a few words in the middle (3.24) who has an uncanny resemblance to veer Bahadur Singh Ji (Javanmard), based on the photo veer ji posted of himself... is this you veer ji :?:

A HISTORY OF THE AGAKHANI ISMAILIS (Section Two) -- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ IN THE NAME OF ALLAH THE BENEFICENT, THE COMPASSIONATE Continued from Section One When did the "Khojahs" become "Ismailis"? If you happen to meet an Agakhani Ismaili whose roots are in India, and ask him about the conversion of his ancestors, he would very likely tell you that his forefathers were Hindus and converted as Khojah Muslims. If you ask him how these Khojahs became Ismailis, he will most probably tell you that as years went by, through change in nomenclature the Khojah Muslims became known as Shi'ah Imami Ismaili Muslims. Alternatively he may reply that the Pirs that converted the ancestors were sent to India bythe Nizari Ismaili Imams and the converts were Shi'ah Imami Ismailis since the day of their conversion, but were known as Khojahs. Is this is a legendary belief or a historical reality? Were these Pirs sent to India by the Nizari Ismaili Imams? If so, by which Imam and in what century? In the past, non-Ismaili authors had raised such questions and cast their doubts on the recorded data. But in the last two decades Ismaili scholars have discovered evidence that has obliged them to raise these questions in their theses and articles. Furthermore, the data uncovered by these scholars comes from Ismaililiterature.The majority of Ismailis are unaware of these recent findings, and if they read them, they would be doing so for the first time. Memoirs of Aga Khan and Shah Islam Shah In 1954, Aga Khan III published his Memoirs through Cassell and Company Ltd., London. On p. 181, he writes: In India, certain Hindu tribes were converted by missionaries sent to them by my ancestor, Shah Islam Shah, and took the name of Khojas; a similar process of conversion occurred in Burmaas recently as the nineteenth century. Who was this ancestor of Aga Khan named Shah Islam Shah? Ismaili history tells us that his full name was Sayyid Ahmed Islam Shah and he was the thirtieth Ismaili Imam. Islam Shah died in Kahak in 1423 or 1424 (fifteenth century).Until recently, the birth year of Islam Shah was not recorded by Ismaili historians. Mumtaz Tajdin, an Ismaili scholar from Pakistan, records in Genealogy of The Aga Khan(Karachi, 1990) the birth of Shah Islam Shah in Daylam in 1334 (fourteenth century). While doing their dissertations on thesubject of Ginans, Ismaili scholars havediscovered that Pir Sadr-din and his mentor Pir Shams were living in the "thirteenth andtwelfth" centuries, whereas Shah Islam Shah was born in the "fourteenth" century. This regression of 200 years casts a serious doubt on the authenticity of the aforementioned claim made by the Aga Khan. As for "a similar process of conversion"taking place in Burma, there is no evidence or record of any such process having taken place at any time in the history of Burma.There are hardly any Burmese Ismailis. Noorum-Mubin -- a recommended history book In 1936, Aga Khan III completed 50 years of his Imamate (spiritual leadership). To commemorate this occurrence, Ismailis living in India and Africa collected funds and weighed their Imam in gold first in India and thereafter in Africa. On this occasion of the Golden Jubilee celebrations in India, abook of Ismaili history was released with fanfare. It was written in Gujrati by an Ismaili author and printed in Bombay (1935) by the press department of Aga Khan'sinstitution for religious propaganda, called Recreation Club. Aga Khan personally recommended that the members of his Jama'at read this book, which glorified him, his ancestors, and the Ismaili Pirs. This highlyrecommended book was called Noorum-Mubin (manifest light). The author, AlimohammadJanmohammad Chunara, has interpreted the title of his book in English as The SacredCord of God and has described his book as "A Glorious History of Ismaili Imams." Noorum-Mubin is a voluminous book with over800 pages. It was revised and reprinted three times. It has now been out of print for the last several decades and can be found in only a handful of Ismaili homes. Pir Sadr-din was a disciple of Pir Shams Noorum-Mubin records that before Pir Sadr-din started his mission, he took his religious training in Multan from Pir Shams. It also records that Pir Sadr-din, with the help of two sons of Pir Shams, built the famous Mazar (mausoleum) of Pir Shams that is located near the city of Multan and is a historical landmark of Punjab. It is easy to establish the period of Pir Shams's mission in India since these records are preserved by the custodian of hismausoleum. Similarly, the faith Pir Shams preached can also be determined from his followers living in Punjab, Kashmir, and Tibet. Once these two things are established, it is not difficult to know the period of Pir Sadr-din's mission and his persuasion. Awliya Shah Shams ad-Din, whom the Ismailis call Pir Shams, came to Multan from Afghanistan in 1201. He was a contemporary of Shaykh Bahaoddin Zakariyya (d. 1276) and Shaykh Fakhroddin Ibrahim al-Iraqi (d. 1289). Shah Shams died in 1276. His converts, as recorded earlier and acknowledged by the author of Noorum-Mubin are mostly Sunni Muslims. Since Pir Sadr-din was a disciple of Pir Shams, it is inconceivable that Pir Sadr-din could have adopted and preached a Tariqah (persuasion) of Islam that would be diametrically opposed to that of his spiritual mentor. The relationship thatexisted between these two Muslim saints also supports the claim made by Sunni Khojahs in 1866, before Justice Arnould in the HighCourt of Bombay, that Pir Sadr-din came from Multan (and not from Persia). He was a Sunni 'alim and his converts were Sunni Khojahs, not Ismaili Khojahs. Hasina M. Jamani, an Ismaili scholar from India It is very fascinating to read what Hasina Jamani has discovered during her studies at the Institute of Islamic Studies at McGill University. In her thesis entitled Brahm Prakash: A Translation and Analysis, she writes (p. 24): With regard to the period of Pir Shams' da'wa activities in the Sub-continent, there are apparently three versions. Thefirst is a Shajra <genealogical> found in the custody of the mutawalli[custodian] of the shrine of Pir Shams in Uchh, Multan. The Shajra says thatShams al-Din was born in Ghazni[Afghanistan] on the 17th Rajab 560/1165 i.e., about a hundred years before thefall of Alamut. The Shajra makes him come to Multan in 598/1201 and permitshim to live till 675/1276. The second version is obtained from the ginans attributed to Shams al-Din himself.... Surbhan Vel, one of the longer ginans attributed to Shams al-Din, mentions his arrival in Samvat1175/1118. Yet, in another of his ginans, Chandrabhan Vel, his arrival inChenab is given as Samvat 1200/1143. However, when we come across the name of the Imam on whose behalf Shams al-Din is supposed to have carried on da'wa activity, the name of Imam Qasim Shah [d. 1370] is mentioned. Imam Qasim Shahbelongs to the post Alamut period. Alamut, as is well-known, was razed by the Mongols in 1256, and after that the history of the Nizaris and their Imams enters a new stage. The child of the last Imam of Alamut, Rukn al-Din KhurShah, is said to be Shams al-Din. In the Ismaili genealogy Qasim Shah is the name of the Imam who succeeded Imam Shams. Thus, if Qasim Shah was the Imam of the time, then the period of Shams' activity would extend into the 14th century. The above observations by Jamani clearly indicate that Pir Shams (d. 1276) could not have been sent to India by an Ismaili Imam,since the alleged Imam on whose behalf Pir Shams is supposed to have carried on the Da`wah, died nearly a century later in 1370.By the same inference Pir Shams could not have been the author of these Ginans and Garbis because Imam Qasim Shah whose name is mentioned in these compositions became Imam in 1310, that is to say nearly thirty-four years after the death of Pir Shams, the alleged author. Pir Shams - author of 'Gujrati' compositions? Ismaili history records that Pir Shams was born in Persia. He came to Punjab via Badakhshan, Tibet, and Kashmir. He lived and died in Punjab (Multan). Ismaili historians have not recorded the Pir's residence in Gujrat, Kutchh, or Kathiawar, where the Gujrati language is spoken. Nonetheless, Ismaili literature has over 2000 verses of Ginans and Garbis, the authorship of which is attributed to Pir Shams. Almost all of them are in the Gujrati language with the exception of a few in Multani. The questions often asked by Ismailis are: 1. Why did Pir Shams compose thousands of verses of Ginans and Garbis in Gujrati when his followers were mostly Punjabis, Tibetans, and Kashmiris, who did not speak Gujrati? 2. Where and when did Pir Shams learn a language that is spoken only in Gujrat and Kathiawar? 3. Who wrote down these Gujrati Ginans in Multan or transmitted them orally, generation after generation? Pir Sadr-din was a Haji Professor W. Ivanow writes in his book The Sect of Imam Shah in Gujrat (p. 34): "He [Pir Sadr-din] is locally [at the place of his burial] spoken of as Haji Sadr Shah; the tomb is without any inscription." The title Haji indicates that Sadr-din Shah (Pir) had per-formed the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina. It is a well-known fact that Ismailis do not perform Hajj. Karim Aga Khan's Didar (glimpse) is a Hajj for an Agakhani Ismaili. "According to Ismailian ta'wil, hajj or pilgrimage, was interpreted to mean a visit to the Imam." writes Hollister in The Shi`a Of India (p. 390). Continuing further he writes (pp. 391-92): Pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina is almost never undertaken by Khojas.... In 1896 Agha Jangi Shah, an uncle of the present Agha Khan, and his son, were killed by assassins at Jeddah while they were on their way as pilgrims to Mecca. The murderers were said to be staunch followers of the Agha Khan. They were arrested and kept in custody in Jeddah, and were later found dead at their place of confinement, having taken poison. No information is available, but the incident has allowed the suspicion that it grew from opposition to this pilgrimage which the sect condemns. Al-Hajj ("the greater pilgrimage"), the canonical pilgrimage, is one of the five fundamental pillars of Islam. To condemn it would be to condemn the faith itself. Every believing Muslim that has the means should make the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina. I have yet to see a single Farman of the present or past Aga Khan asking his followers to perform al-Hajj, al-'Umrah or az-Ziyarah of Mecca, as a part of their obligatory duties. Abdulaziz Sachedina - a Khojah scholar Professor Abdulaziz A. Sachedina writes in Rahenajat (pp. 8-9): ...it is correct to say that from the time of their conversion to Islam from the Hindu Shakti Marg until 1860s because of the influence of the Sunni mullas, who had officiated at their marriages, deaths, and other such occasions, Khojas were responsive to the Sunni school of thought. The beginning of the "Khoja awakening" in the first half of the 19th century ushered the community to the revival of their religious identity as a consequence of their increased level of religious knowledge. ...Before this period, as evidenced by the 1847 court case, the Khojas had no knowledge about their Shi'ism; nor did they know the difference between the Shi'i and the Sunni schools of thought. Thus, when Agha Hasan 'Ali Shah in 1861 required the Khojas to declare their Shi'ism, the community had no hesitation in signing the document declaring their Shi'ite identity. The Shi'i mulla had prepared the community for this declar-ation of allegiance. And, the Agha Khan and his son `Ali Shah, led the community in their prayers and commemorative gatherings to mourn the martyrs of Karbala, regularly. These and other Iranian religious practices were certainly based on the Ithna 'Ashri school of thought. Note: The quoted term "Until 1860s" means, until two decades after the arrival of the Aga Khan I to India, "Khojas were responsive to the Sunni school of thought." Mawlana Rumi and Shams Tabriz Mawlana Jalal ad-Din Rumi (1207-73) was a great mystic and dervish in Islamic history. At the age of thirty-nine, he became a student of Shams ad-Din at-Tabriz (d. 1247). Rumi is well-known for his Mathnawi, a six-volume work of mystical Sufi poems in Persian, many of which were written out of love for his spiritual mentor, Shams Tabriz. In his Farmans, Aga Khan III had quoted the philosophical messages of Mawlana Rumi and asked Ismailis to read Mathnawi to understand the philosophy of "our" religion. Quoting a verse from the Mathnawi, the author of Noorum-Mubin (p. 316, rev.ed., 1951) claims that the name "Shams" mentioned in the quoted verse refers to the twenty-eighth Ismaili Imam, Shamsuddin Muhammad. The author also claims (p. 309) that Shams Tabriz, the spiritual mentor of Rumi, was son of the twenty-sixth Ismaili Imam, Allauddin Muhammad. Ithna'ashri scholars have questioned these claims and pointed out that Mawlana Rumi and Shams Tabriz were both Ithna'ashries. Mawlana Rumi referred to the "Twelve Imams" of the Ithna'ashries in his Mathnawi. And, on his Mausoleum are inscribed the names of Ithna'ashri Imams. When Aga Khan III asked his followers to read the Mathnawi, to understand the philosophy of "our" religion, he was in fact promoting the ideology of the religion of his father and grand-father, who were Sufi Ithna'ashries. Confidential Report, Canada - 1987 In the last two decades, young Ismaili scholars and Waezins (missionaries) who have done extensive research on the subjects of the history of Ismaili Pirs, their Ginans and Ismaili beliefs have been refuting in their lectures the erroneous and baseless claims made in the past by Ismaili authors concerning the lives of these so-called "Ismaili" Pirs, the periods of their missions, the mythological concepts of equating 'Ali with Hindu deities that are associated with these Pirs, etc., whereas, elderly missionaries have been strongly advocating these ancestral beliefs. Most of these refutations are not published for public reading. One of the reasons is that the majority of these students/waezins are financed and/or sponsored by Aga Khan's Institutions. After the completion of their studies, many of these scholars look forward to joining these institutions or their affiliated organizations as full-time paid research scholars, teachers or missionaries. However, the refutations do surface from time to time, either in their theses or during question-and-answer sessions at seminars or private lectures. Mehboob Kamadia of Toronto published in 1987 a 175-page Confidential Report on Propagation of Anti Ismaili Elements by Scholars. He described the activities of a dozen or so young Ismaili scholars and missionaries. Copies of the report, with a covering letter recommending disciplinary action to be taken against the listed individuals, were mailed to various Ismaili institutions and the community leaders. Kamadia's frustrations mounted when his report and the subsequent reminders got no satisfactory response or action from higher authorities. The ultimate objective of the hierarchy has been to suppress, rather than to confront, such sensitive issues in public, especially when professors from Western universities are assisting these scholars in their research. "Contumacious treason against God" Allah forgiveth not that partners should be set up with Him; but He forgiveth anything else, to whom He pleaseth; to set up partners with Allah is to devise a sin most heinous indeed. Holy Qur'an 4/48 Commentary by A. Yusuf Ali: Just as in an earthly kingdom the worst crime is that of treason, as it cuts at the very existence of that State, so in the spiritual kingdom, the unforgivable sin is that of contumacious treason against God by putting up God's creatures in rivalry against Him. This is rebellion against the essence and source of spiritual life. It is what Plato would call the "lie in the soul." But even here, if the rebellion is through ignorance, and is followed by sincere repentance and amend-ment, God's Mercy is always open (iv. 17). DEVIATION FROM THE TEACHINGS OF SADR-DIN Ginans - the only link with Islam Ismaili historians have recorded that Pir Sadr-din's profession was to write and sell copies of the Holy Qur'an. The profession was also carried on by his descendants. This tells us that the Pir and his descendants were well versed with the teachings of the Holy Qur'an. After learning the local dialects, they began composing devotional songs in the local tongue and reciting them. The knowledge of Islam and the messages of the Qur'an were thus brought to the converts in their own native language, through Ginans (devotional songs) and Garbis (choral dance songs). These songs were transmitted orally, from generation to generation. Writing and marketing of the religious songs composed by their ancestors became a profession of some of the descendants of the Pirs. These descendants were respectfully called Sayyids (literally, liege lord). The profession supplemented their income and complemented their mission of conversion. Later on, unknown Sayyids, poets, philosophers, teachers and others began adding their own compositions (songs) to the original collection. In the late 1940s, a Head Master (head teacher) of my religious night school in Bombay, whose name was Hussein Gulamhussain Hussaini (pen-name “Musstâ€; literally, in high spirit), added his own composition to the collection. The Ginan is entitled Par karo beda Guruji. This questions an affirmation made by Ismaili scholar Azim Nanji in the Ismaili magazine Hikmat, of July 1991 (p. 27), that “By the early part of this century, the corpus of the ginan tradition, having accu mulated over several centuries, became stabilized and no new compositions have since been added.†A collection of canonical and non-canonical Ginans has been the base of Agakhani Ismailis' Islamic beliefs and traditions. This was their only link with Islam in their own native tongue. Even today, it serves well for the vast majority of Ismailis who do not have the inclination to read the Holy Qur'an or its translation. In the religious classes, usually conducted within the premises of the Jama`at khanas, Ismaili children are taught to recite and memorize verses of the Ginans rather than the verses of the Qur'an. Because corpus of the Ginans, accumulated over several centuries, has been the primary media of proselytizing, it is essential to study the history of the accumulation and publication of Ginans, the various categories of the Ginans, and the process of editing of these Ginans in the early part of this century in order to understand the second and third phases of proselytizing. Today, looking at the past, one can well imagine the possibilities for proselytizing a community whose only link with Islam was through a secondary source (Ginans) that was in circulation by oral transmission over a period of several centuries. Ashiqueali H. Hussain, President of the Ismailia Association for Pakistan (1983), writes in the foreword of Ginans of Ismaili Pirs by G. Allana that it was only in the seventeenth century that the first hand-written documents and manuscripts of the Ginans were available. Three categories of Ginans The Ismailia Association for India, which has been a pioneer in the research of Ginans, has classified the authorship of the Ginans into three categories: 1. Authorized Ginans composed by appointed Pirs 2. Devotional Songs composed by known Sayyids 3. Devotional Songs composed by unknown Sayyids The last classification tells us that Songs (not Ginans) composed by unknown authors have been added to the corpus of the Ismaili Ginans. Next to the obedience of Imam's Farmans comes the compliance with the preaching of the Ginans, for an Ismaili. Abiding by the verses of Ginans, whose authorship is not known, is an unconventional, strange custom. Caution for the readers of the Ginans In 1969, the Ismailia Association for India published a Gujrati series entitled Collection of Ginans. In its introductory notes the publisher has issued an astounding caution to the readers: It should be borne in mind that many Ismaili poets, philosophers and 'Bhagats' [devout] have written songs and propagated the true path of Ismailism. Similarly, Sayyids have also composed Ginans and propagated the faith. These compositions have been preserved in our religious literature. We have only to adopt the preaching that are within these compositions. But, the Ginans of these composers cannot be given the same “weight†as those composed by the authorized Pirs that were nominated by Imam-e-Zaman. Agakhani Ismailis who have been reciting Ginans in their Jama'at khanas from childhood are mostly unaware of the above categories or the addition of “Songs†within the corpus of “Ginans.†Besides, it is practically impossible for an average Ismaili to separate the “Songs†from the “Ginans,†because they all are published by the Ismailia Association under the nomenclature of Ginans. Similarly, it is not possible to separate the “Edited†Ginans from the “Unedited†Ginans. The process of editing has continued to this day. Editing of the Ginans In the last two decades, the Ismailia Association for Pakistan has published several collections of Ginans after editing the verses and making them conducive to the climate prevailing in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The office-holders of the Ismailia Association for Canada have objected to this practice of her sister association. The Ismailia Association for Pakistan has mentioned in the introductory notes that the work of editing was officially entrusted to them at a conference in Paris (1975) that was chaired by Karim Aga Khan and maintains that the editing has been done in accordance with the guidelines provided at the conference. After a generation or two, the Ginans that will survive will be fully edited to confirm with the present Ismaili beliefs and, the others will be lost for ever. Ivanow's work went “out of print†Professor W. Ivanow is regarded by Western scholars as one of the leading authorities on Ismaili literature and history. After his migration to Bombay from St. Petersburg, Russia, Ivanow devoted his time to research and travel looking for primary documents and manuscripts on Ismaili history and doctrine. In his Farmans to Ismailis, Aga Khan III lavishly praised Ivanow, “a Christian cleric†and Asaf Ali A. Fyzee, “a Sulaymani Bohra†for their research and study of Ismaili literature. Professor Ivanow's works were mostly published by the Ismaili Society, founded in Bombay in 1946. In those days the professor was in the good books of the Aga Khan. Ivanow had translated into English a short (unfinished) treatise in Persian on the spirit of the fundamental principles of Ismailis, written by Aga Khan III's elder brother (Pir) Shihabu'd-din Shah al-Husayni. In 1957 and 1958, Ivanow was financed by a private “Study Group†in Mombasa, Kenya, headed by C. K. R. Paroo and M. H. Rashid, in exploring the historical site of Alamut. The aim of the expedition was to uncover the mystery surrounding to the founder of Alamut, Hasan bin Sabbah (The Old Man of the Mountain), and his successors, especially the enigmatic Grand Master, Hasan `ala dhikrihis- salam (Hasan II). Professor Ivanow's independent research, published in Tehran in 1960, did not support Ismaili beliefs. The publication was entitled Alamut and Lamasar. Ivanow wrote (p. 25): It would be too long to go into details of the story, but when Kiya Muhammad, the son and successor of Kiya Buzurg-Ummid [successor to Hasan bin Sabbah], died in 557/1162, he was succeeded by the person, who was officially regarded as the son of Kiya Muhammad, but later recognised as the Imam, Khudawand Hasan 'ala dhkiri-hi's- salam. This kind of reporting, specifically the one that had challenged the genealogy of their Imam, was unacceptable to the community leaders. When Ivanow continued to write unfavourably about Ismaili history and literature, most of his publications suddenly went “out of print.†We learn from Professor Ivanow's later publications that some of the manuscripts that he had translated as Ismaili literature were in fact plagiarised Ithna'ashri documents, passed on to him by Ismailis as works of their Pirs and Imams. “Ginans composed at much later date†— Ivanow On the subject of Ginans, W. Ivanow writes in one of his out-of-print books, Ismaili Literature, published by the Ismaili Society, Tehran, 1963, under the heading “The Literature of the Khojas and Sat-panthis in India†(p. 174): It is quite possible to think that what is now in existence is the result of a process of selection which was at work for a long time. The gnans, of which it chiefly consists, were never built into a “canonical version,†respectfully preserved. Creation of new compositions is suggested by oral tradition, the new good ones were apparently accepted, and the inferior old ones were allowed to fall in oblivion. A great majority of gnans are the creation of anonymous authors. Apparently quite a considerable proportion of those attributed to the authorship of Great Pirs probably have nothing to do with them, and were composed at a much later date. This particularly applies to the gnans about various pirs, their miracles, their sayings. On the subject of Ginans, what Ivanow calls the “new good ones†are in reality the “new Batini Ginans,†that were plagiarized centuries later in the names of Pirs and Sayyids, and the “inferior old ones†are the “old Shari`ati Ginans†that were composed nearly seven centuries ago by the Pirs of Khojahs. We shall shortly observe what has been added and adopted under the disguise of Batiniyat and what has been allowed to fall in oblivion or discarded under the name of Shari`at. Note: The term Batiniyat means an esoteric doctrine which is “inward†and therefore often kept secret. It also means a doctrine that is of a dubious nature. The term Shari'at means a doctrine based upon prescribed Laws. It means the canonical Laws of Islam that were revealed to Prophet Muhammad, upon whom be peace. Dr. G. Allana's critical notes on Ginans The Ismailia Association for Pakistan has published in 1984 a book entitled Ginans of Ismaili Pirs, by Huzur Vazir Dr. Ghulamali Allana. On page 51 of Volume I, we find an interesting observation by the author, who after quoting a verse of a Ginan which is said to have been written by an Ismaili Pir named Nooruddin, writes: The above ginan has been written in Hindi. It is interesting to point out that it is generally believed that the earliest poets [sic] in Hindi was Amir Khusroo, born in Uttar Pradesh, India, in the year 1253 a.d. and who died in the year 1325 a.d. According to Dr. Allana, Pir Nooruddin came to India 200 years before Khusroo. The question is, did Pir Nooruddin write these Ginans in Hindi (an Indic language) 200 years before Khusroo or did someone who wrote them later gave the authorship to the Pir? After quoting verses from Pir Sadr-din's Ginan and a famous Sindhi poet's work, Allana writes (pp. 90-91): Pir Sadruddin was born in 1300 a.d., and Shah Abdul Latif in 1688 a.d. Both wrote poetry, among other languages, in Sindhi. It is interesting to note that in the above refrain, Pir Sadruddin has written in the last line; in Sindhi, thus:

Part 1 New: Read or Download PDF File A HISTORY OF THE AGAKHANI ISMAILIS This book was first published from Canada in 1991. It has been republished twice from Pakistan. The Urdu translation of the book has been published from Pakistan. (Section One) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- IN THE NAME OF ALLAH THE BENEFICENT, THE COMPASSIONATE I begin with my gratitude to the Beneficent and the Compassionate, whose Messages have guided the believers to a straight path. "As to those who hold fast by the Book and establish regular prayer;never shall We suffer the reward of the righteous to perish." Holy Qur'an 7/170 INTRODUCTION The followers of Karim Aga Khan, the "Agakhani Ismailis," are spread out in various parts of the world. They constitute the vast majority, and comprise a controversial group, within the various sub-sects of Ismailis, who in turn form a small minority within the various groups and sects of the Islamic brotherhood. Thus, the Agakhani Ismailis represent a minute proportion, some 0.1 percent, of the Muslim world. However, their fame and profile far exceed their numbers, due primarily to the prominence of the Aga Khan and his family members through their international political, economic, and social status. Of significance has been their long association with thoroughbred horse racing in Europe; Aga Khan III's weighing in gold, diamonds, and platinum as a gift from his followers; the marriage of Prince Aly Khan Karim Aga Khan's father to renowned actress Rita Hayworth and his role as a leader of Pakistan's delegation to the United Nations; the service of Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan in the United Nations as High Commissioner for Refugees; and, most recently, Karim Aga Khan being named Commander of the French Legion of Honour for eminent services to humanity. It is a common belief that the ancestors of the Agakhani Khojah Ismailis were Hindus and that approximately seven centuries ago they were converted to the Ismaili faith by Pirs (authorized preachers) that came from Persia. The questions often asked are: Were these Pirs Imami Nizari Ismailis? Were they sent to India from Persia by the Ismaili Imams (spiritual leaders)? What was the Islamic Tariqah (persuasion) adopted by these converts at the time of their conversion? The faith practised by Ismailis during the golden era of their history the Fatimid period of the Caliphate in Cairo was within the spectrum of the various sects, denominations, and schools of thought that exist in mainstream Islam. This meant that they observed the Shari'ah laws at the peak of their glory. Fatimid Imams built the first university in the world, al-Azhar, which became an institute of repute in the Muslim world, to study the Qur'an and Islamic jurisprudence, among other subjects. Fatimid Ismailis recited the canonical Islamic prayers in mosques five times a day, as opposed to conventional Ismaili prayers three times a day at present in the Jama`at khanas (literally, place of assembly; in Ismaili terminology, place of worship). During the congregational noon prayers on Fridays, the names of the prevailing Fatimid Imams were mentioned in Khutba (an exhortation or sermon) in Egypt. Like other Muslims, they observed the Fast during the holy month of Ramadhan and performed the pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj). It is interesting to learn how the dramatic change occurred that absolved the sect from the requirements of certain edicts of the revealed laws after the fall of the Fatimid dynasty, in the Alamut period. The roots of the Fatimid Ismailis were in theregion of the Middle East where Islam was born. On the other hand, the roots of the majority of the Agakhani Ismailis, who are the Shia Imami Khojah Ismailis, are in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent, and their conversion from Hinduism has gone through various phases of proselytization. During the past one and half centuries, the religion ofthese converts has undergone such drastic changes that the present generation of Agakhani Ismailis is almost totally ignorant of the practices of their forbears only two, three, and four generations ago in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent and Africa. The Agakhani Ismailis have made significant progress in the fields of education, commerce, and industry. Spiritually, however, the propagation of esotericism has left the community virtually bereft of the fundamental precepts and concepts of Islam. Today, only a few elderly Khojahs (Ismaili, Ithna'ashri, and Sunni Khojahs) who have read the literature published during the nineteenth century, such as Ibrat-afza (an autobiography of Aga Khan I in Persian) or its Gujrati translation published in 1861, orthose who have heard from their elders the accounts of the second and thirdproselytizing, can trace back the trails and rediscover the lost heritage. A study of primary as well as secondary documents, some of them rare and others that have been withdrawn from circulation or that were written for internal circulation in the ancient form of Sindhi script called Khojki, reveals that the process of proselytizing has gone through three distinct stages. The last two are only a century and a half old. A few Agakhani Ismaili scholars who have compiled a bibliography of Ismaili literature, and others who have access to these documents, are well aware of the fact that the conversion of Hindus to the Ismaili faith has not been firsthand and has gone through more than one phase. But these scholars are also cognizant of the fact that under Article 14 of the Constitution of the Shia Imami Ismaili Muslims (1986), any Ismaili who prints, publishes, or circulates any material or makes any statement or convenes a meeting or assembly purporting to be on behalf of, or in the name of, or relating to, the Imam, the Ismaili Tariqah, the Jama`at (a congregation or community), and any Ismaili Council or Institution without the written permission of the National Council within whose jurisdiction he or she resides shall be liable to disciplinary action, and the offender can be expelled from the community. It is high time that these kinds of stipulations and restrictions are lifted and that Ismaili scholars have the encouragement and support of community leaders in publishing their findings. In 1947-48, a couple of Ismaili students and I met the Russian professor Vladimir Alekseevich Ivanov (1886-1970), popularly known as W. Ivanow, and Vice-Chancellor Asaf Ali Asghar Fyzee (1899-1981), a Sulaymani Ismaili, who were the founding members of the Ismaili Society in Bombay, to obtain their permission to translate one of their publications into Gujrati. In 1946, the Ismaili Society was founded with the aim of promoting independent and critical study of all matters connected with Ismaili faith, which included their literature, history, and philosophy. The Ismaili Society functioned with the financial support and patronage of the late Aga Khan III. The Society had undertaken a bibliographical survey of Ismaili literature. One and a half decades later, when the work was finally published by the Society in Tehran in 1963, it was in an abridged form. Professor Ivanow scrutinized 929 works, and his analysis of these many documents was published in just 180 pages. Asaf Fyzee, the founding member of the Ismaili Society, wrote, "Everything connected with Ismailism seems to be enveloped in a cloud of mystery and secrecy." Sixty-three years ago, I was born into an Agakhani Ismaili family where every member of the house over the age of five was made to recite his or her Du'a (a designated ritual prayer) in Gujrati three times a day. A prayer in which one would repeatedly prostrate oneself before a photograph of the Aga Khan and affirm with firm conviction that the photographed mortal was the physical manifestation of Allah upon this earth. His Highness Sir Sultan Muhammad Shah, Aga Khan III, came to see my mother at a hospital in Southend-on-Sea, England, where I was born. He personally gave me the name by which I am known today. The late Aga Khan was well-known for his wit and uncanny ability to provoke laughter. While giving his blessings, he wittily appointed me as a Kamadia (assistant steward cum accountant) and my (late) elder brother Abdulali who was also born in England as a Mukhi (chief steward cum treasurer) of his London Jama`at. The year was 1928. As a devout follower of the Aga Khan, my father donated Rs.300,000.00 -- practically eighty percent of his entire wealth -- to the Aga Khan's Diamond Jubilee fund. Half a century ago, that was an enormous sum of money. Being the highest donor from India, he received the singular honour of weighing His Highness the Aga Khan (putting plastic boxes full of rented diamonds on the weighing scale) in Bombay, on 10 March 1946. Thereafter, contrary to the general expectations of every believing Ismaili, the downfall of our family began. My father, who had been in the carpet and textile business, suddenly had to face charges arising out of a small business transaction. He had sold goods meant forexport, locally. I was a student at that time but became an accessory for having acted as a delivery boy. Our entire stock of textiles was confiscated by the authorities, who were acting under instructions from the newly independent Indian government. Communal tensions were running high and anti-Muslim sentiments were visible inside and outside of the court house. Aga Khan had his own tax problems with the government. The authorities were demanding a large sum as taxes on his revenues and funds collected from the Ismaili community. Donors who had donated substantial sums for the Diamond Jubilee were individually investigated and taxed. Aga Khan decided to stay in Europe till the matter was settled by his agents, which did not happen during his lifetime. The court proceedings were slow and the hearings dragged on for several years. To start a fresh life, I moved to West Pakistan in 1949 with a few hundred rupees in my pocket. A few years later, morally depressed and financially depleted, my father migrated to East Pakistan. After the partition of India, the Aga Khan had predicted in his private Farmans (authoritative and binding pronouncements) that Dacca and Chittagong would become London and Paris of the East. After losing a portion of his investments, my father moved to East Africa. From there, under the guidance of the Aga Khan, my family relocated to Belgian Congo. Aga Khan's prognostication that Congo would be the last colony in Africa to get its independence was wrong, and within a few years my family had to get out, following the turmoil in that country after independence. From 1949 to 1975, during my domicile in Pakistan, I diligently served the Ismailia community in various capacities. I kept up the Jama'ati tradition of serving the Hazar (present) Imam with Tan, Man, and Dhan (Body, Mind, and Money). In 1972, I was appointed President of the Ismailia Regional Council for Karachi and Baluchistan by Karim Aga Khan. I held that position till I emigrated to Canada in 1975. Towards the end of 1982, I published in British Columbia my first book on the ancestry of the Aga Khans. It was entitled From Abraham to Aga Khan. As the years went by, I continued research on the subject of Ismaili literature and history. At the same time I augmented my studies with the revealed messages that are to be found in the Qur'an and the Bible. By the grace of Allah, I got out of my tunnel vision. I could now see my beliefs from a wider perspective. A perspective whose outlook was panoramic and not restricted by inherited, imposed or prescribed thinking. I could now compare with an open mind what I had studied in the past with what I was learning in the present. Ibegan asking questions in private as well as in public, by writing memoranda and pamphlets. My doubts were strengthened when I discovered that a large number of Ismailis had similar doubts and difficulties in under standing what they were asked to practise. But most of them were observing a double standard. To express their doubts or endorse their feelings in the open was too risky. It could lead to expulsion from or rejection by the Jama`at, which none could afford because of their family ties and business contacts within the community. My frustrations germinated, but I alsostayed within the community. I did not refrain from seeking answers from Agakhani scholars and missionaries at public gatherings as well as in private. I flew to Paris after communicating with Karim Aga Khan's personal secretary hoping to getanswers from the highest authority, the Aga Khan, but the promised interview did not take place. The real change in my attitude came when Idiscovered to my utter surprise that the Aga Khan is not a direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, upon whom be peace, through the Fatimid Imams, but is a descendant of Hasan, a son of Da`i Muhammad of Alamut, who had proclaimed a kind of spiritual filiation with the Fatimid Imams. I intensified my research on the subject, and compared thedata recorded by Ismaili and non-Ismaili historians. My findings got more and more support as I went through fresh documents. Finally, I decided to write a book based upon my discoveries. Understanding Ismailism A Unique Tariqah of Islam was published at the end of 1988. It was printed and distributed from British Columbia, Canada, a country that promotes and guarantees itscitizens the freedom of conscience and religion; freedom of thought, belief, opinion, and expression, including freedom of the press and other media of communication, under its Charter of Rights and Freedoms. I was expecting rejoinders in the form of books or memoranda challenging my research, but that did not happen. Instead, something else transpired. Hardly a week or two passed after the above publication when an announcement was read in all the Jama`at khanas of Canada, asking the members of the Jama`at not to support the author, etc. Shortly thereafter, in December 1988, the honorary secretary of the Aga Khan's Ismaili Council for British Columbia filed a Complaint before the Aga Khan's Conciliation and Arbitration Board for British Columbia. The complainant asked the Board to recommend my expulsion from the Jama`at, under Article 14 of the Ismaili Constitution ordained by Karim Aga Khan. My lawyers advised me that without going into the merits of the book or its content, the mere fact that I had written a book on Ismaili faith and Aga Khan without obtaininga written permission from the Ismaili Council was sufficient cause for obtaining an order for expulsion from the community under theordained Constitution. I had not been a practising Ismaili for the last several years. Professor Peter Lamborn Wilson mentioned in the opening sentence of hisreview, which was published in the book, that I was a former Ismaili. In March 1989, I publicly withdrew my oathof allegiance to Karim Aga Khan and at the same time invited him through the media, as well as by a letter, to have an open forum or a public debate at the Royal Albert Hall in London, either personally or throughrepresentatives. The offer was not accepted. At the end of 1989, I wrote 'Understandingthe Bible - through Koranic Messages'. It was published at a time in the history of the Middle East when there was a greater need for Jews, Christians, and Muslims the three children of Abraham to re-examine their own roots and unite as brothers. The book was reviewed by Tom Harpur, a former professor of the New Testament. Several months later, I was interviewed by Tom Harpur in his nationally televised series Heaven and Hell. In the middle of 1990, I began collectingbooks and documents that would assist me in discovering the roots of my inherited beliefs. As a teacher of a religious school,I had heard almost all the Farmans pronounced by the Aga Khans, recited hundreds of Ginans (hymnlike devotional songs that are recitedin the Jama`at khanas), and read practically every book of Ismaili history that was ublished by the Ismailia Association for India. They all led me to believe that the conversion of my ancestors to the Ismaili faith was direct. The Pirs who performed the onversion were Ismailis. The data I had now collected told me a different story. I decided to look outside and approached a few families of Sunni Khojahs and Ithna'ashri Khojahs whose ancestors were also converted from Hinduism. They provided me with documents and facts hitherto unknown to me and probably to most Ismailis. A History of the Agakhani Ismailis will serve as the most explicit account of the history of the followers of the Aga Khan and their religious life today. This book of history is in particular addressed to the mundane everyday readers the laity. I have therefore chosen to furnish bibliographical data for the quoted passages before each quotation, rather than have a consolidated list at the end. The book may also prove to be of interest to non-Ismaili readers and scholars who have, in the words of a professor, "run into a stone wall" or "gotten the run-around" while doing their research on the Ismaili community. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE ROOTS OF OUR PERSUASIONS A divine innocence A captivating smile radiating from the beaming face of a newly born baby gazing at you from its crib is suffused with divine innocence. However, that impeccability and candour are so transient that as soon as the infant grows up, the heavenly naivete takes its leave and is not seen again. The unblemished purity with which a human mind was divinely conceived and created within the womb of a mother has been tainted. A slate that was once clean and spotless is now delineated with materialistic characters and figures. The shadow of a human being has eclipsed that innocent smile. From time immemorial, one of the major responsibilities of arenthood has been to enlighten, or to be precise, to influenceoffspring with certain dictates and precepts. In the process, parents confer upon their wards their views and personal beliefs. Going back, we discover that just as we have, our parents, too, inherited their religiouspersuasions and beliefs from their parents. A child born into a Christian home may develop his intellect hearing the name of "Lord Jesus"as his benefactor and saviour. Another, born next door may enrich his intellect hearing the name of "Shri Rama" and "Shri Krishna".In an Ismaili home an infant hears the nameof "Mawla Bapa," a term that refers to their spiritual leader, the Aga Khan. To extol that revered name and to staunchly defend His glory becomes one of the sacred duties of that child as he or she grows up. This childhood training is so well grounded that even upon maturity, an educated, well-bred, adult individual would very gratifyingly imitate his parents. A sublime act During my high school days in Bombay, I often walked home from my school. My home was in a Muslim quarter and the government school was in a crowded residential-cum-business area that was predominantly a Hindu neighbourhood. In this journey by foot, I swam through the ceaseless flow of ethnically diverse human traffic that dashed in either direction, at a brisk pace. Occasionally, a freely roaminggauwa mata (mother cow) would stop her stride, raise her tail, and begin discharging its urine. As a young Muslim, I watched with a feeling of awe and surprise as the civilized, urbane Hindu men and women that were walking alongside me suddenly surged forward and placed their cupped hands under the elevated tail, to catch a spoonful or two of that fluid. These cultured, devout, high caste Hindus would then routinely raise their hands and release that sacred liquid into their wide open mouths. After chanting a few words and rubbing their wet palms on the back of that holy cow, these sophisticatedindividuals would resume their journey with joy at having caught that pious liquid in time. A mind that has developed in a non-Hindu home can only try to comprehend, but can never fully understand the sacrosanctity of these acts or the feelingsof elation, gratification, and bliss that filled the hearts and minds of these pious performers, who have dauntlessly followed the footsteps of their ancestors in this twentieth century. Our affiliations For the great majority of us the choosing of a religion has been a matter of family tradition and the geographical location of our birthplace. Had a person been born in South America, his chances of being a Brahmin (a high-caste Hindu) rather than a Catholic would have been one in a million or probably none at all. It can be said that in most cases the religion that we follow is not through our personal discovery but an imposed family persuasion. Yet we protect thatpersuasion as well as the beliefs and practices that are associated with it with all our strength and vigour. They have now become our beliefs and our practices. When a person migrates from the place of his birth, he accepts new cultures, speaks new languages, and adopts new social practices that ameliorate, or are better suited to, his new environment. But when the subject is religion, he resents and takes exception to new influences, beneficial or otherwise. He would proudly maintain that his religion is holier than thine. There can be no foreign philosophy or perception worth trading with his. When someone points a finger at the enigmatic dogmas that are associated with his religion, he often tries to defend them for the sake of defending. And when he fails todo a good job of it, he estranges himself from that individual, rather than disassociate himself from the identified paradoxes. But when it is his turn to point a finger at their paradoxical dogmas, he expect instant submission from his opponents. He expectseveryone but himself to be rational and logical while discussing religion. The roots of our truth For all practical purposes, we assume thatthe patriarchal affiliation that was enjoined, prescribed, or imposed upon us by reason of birth or fate has to be the wholetruth and the only truth worth defending. The most unfortunate part of this whole scenario is that the very notion of such an assumption was also imposed upon us by the same people who handed over to us our religion. What we claim as "our" truth is indeed a personal truth, but we cannot be positive and confident of its veracity unless and until we track its roots through history and discover the source. The roots of our inherited fanaticism could be centuries old. Most probably we do not even know the name or the historical background of that individual ancestor who discovered our religion or was converted to believing what we believe today. A sincere effort to trace the origin of our persuasions and the history of conversion could be a rewarding experience. "Angootha chhap" Ismaili historians have recorded that themajority of the progenitors of Agakhani Ismailis were very poor and came from the rural areas of Sind, Gujrat, Kathiawar, andKutchh. Before their conversion, seven centuries ago, they belonged to a middle low-caste Hindu society that was constantly oppressed by the high-caste Hindu priests,landlords, and local merchants. In those days, the rural population in India consisted mostly of uneducated individuals that wouldfall within the category of "angootha chhap",meaning the illiterate individuals that place thumb impressions on written documents in lieu of signatures. These long-suffering,docile human beings had developed the habit of meekly placing their thumb impressions,with an unsuspecting mind, on any documentthat was put before them by their benefactors. Besides, they had no other alternative or means at their disposal toascertain the authenticity of the documentswithout offending their masters. Similarly, these submissive ancestors withno access to any literature, would place their trust in any story that was narrated to them by their elders or religious Gurus. Thebase of their beliefs was a blind faith and reliance upon these individuals. They had built their traditional, cultural, andreligious convictions based upon Riwayah (oral transmissions of traditional stories) that were being told and retold with a twist, generation after generation. Serve with an unsuspecting mind Ismaili literature, like much other religious literature, is full of epic stories and folklore depicting the superhuman power of the Pirs and Imams. Not long ago, all these legends of miracles (e.g., lowering of the sun by Pir Shams in the city of Multan) were devoutly respected and regarded as historical facts by the devoted ancestors. Many unsuspecting minds would, even today, place their total trust on legendary supernatural feats of Hazrat `Ali that are vividlynarrated in the various Farmans made nearly a century ago by the then Aga Khan. Often an Ismaili would quote a popular verse from a Ginan to prevail over a logically sound argument or win a losing debate. The verse teaches: "Bhore mane s'révo", meaning; "Serve with a mind that is unsuspecting." This reminds me of a well-known Christian admonition which has a similar advice for those who express their scepticism of the Trinity document. It says: "He who tries to understand the mystery fully will lose his mind, but he who denies the Trinity will lose his soul." Holy Qur'an: The criterion An English translation of the Holy Qur'an and a detailed commentary thereof by Abdullah Yusuf Ali enjoys a unique place in Islamicsociety. I have taken the liberty of quoting his translation and the commentary at the end of each chapter of this book to convey the revealed message that stands as a criterion for all mankind. So set thou thy face steadily and truly to the faith; (establish) Allah's handiwork according to the pattern on which He has made mankind: no change (let there be) in the work (wrought) by Allah: that is the standard religion: but most among mankind understand not. Holy Qur'an 30/30 Commentary by A. Yusuf Ali: As turned out from the creative hand of God, man is innocent, pure, true, free, inclined to right and virtue, and endued with true nderstanding about his own position in the Universe and about God's goodness, wisdom, and power. That is his true nature, just as the nature of a lamb is to be gentle and of a horse is to be swift. But man is caught in the meshes of customs, superstitions,selfish desires, and false teaching. This may make him pugnacious, unclean,false, slavish hankering after what is wrong or forbidden, and deflected from the love of his fellow-men and the pure worship of the One True God. The problem before spiritual Teachers is to cure this crookedness, and to restore human nature to what it should be under the Will of God. THE PIRS OF THE KHOJAHS The conversion of Hindus in India Within a century after the passing away ofthe Prophet of Islam, Muslims expanded their realm as far as India. Under the leadership of Muhammad ibn Qasim, Arabs conquered Sind in 712. Thereafter, Islam spread deeper into India through subsequent conquests by the Ghaznavids and others. Islamic rule in India reached its peak under the celebrated Muslim dynasty of the Great Moghuls (1526-1858), who were noted for their cultural refinement and architectural achievements, and for the blending of their Persian heritage with Indian culture. On the other hand, the Da`wah (literally, summon, invitation) activities of Islam - the conversion of Hindus - was carried out by the Muslim scholars and Da`is (literally, summoners, religious propagandists). Along with Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi came the famous Muslim scientist and genius Abu Rayhan al-Biruni (973-1048) to India. He learnt Sanskrit and became a bridge between the twocultures. Al-Biruni translated the Hindu classic named Patanjali Yoga into Arabic and wrote a book called Kitab al-Hind, describingHindu philosophy and customs. Muslim Da'is belonged to various Islamic sects and schools of thought, but the majority of them were Sunni Muslims. The conversion of the Khojahs Six to nine centuries ago, a significant number of Hindus from the subcontinent of India, especially those living in Kashmir, Punjab, and Sind, and on the western coast of India, embraced Islam. One such group was converted by a Muslim Da'i named Shaykh Sadr ad-Din (leader of the faith). Ismailis call him by the name of Pir Sadr-din. From Turkey to India, this Persian title Pir is used in preference to the Arabic word Shaykh. PirSadr-din gave these newly converted Gujrati, Kutchhi, and Sindhi-speaking Muslims the laqab (honorific title) Khawajah, meaning an honourable person, and named their persuasion Sat-panth (true path). As time went by the word Khawajah became Khojah and the community became known as Sat-panthi Khojahs, or simply Khojah Muslims. But, it is very important to understand that these Sat-panthi Khojahs were mainly Sunni Khojahs as we shall soon observe. Prior to the arrival of the Pirs of the Khojahs, there had come to India many Ismaili Da'is from Persia, but they were mostly Qirmatis (Qarmatians) who in those day were commonly called Malahida ( impious heretics ) by their foes. During a peak period of the Fatimid dynasty, Ismaili Da`is such as al-Sijistani, al-Haytham, and Jamal bin Shayban had spread the Ismaili Da`wah from Khurasan to Multan. But it was short lived in India. When Mahmud Ghaznavi conqueredNorthern India, he imprisoned Ismaili ruler Abu'l-Futuh Daud ibn Nasr and ruthlessly killed Ismailis in Sind and Multan. AnIsmaili author, Ghulamali Allana, writes in 'Ginans of Ismaili Pirs' that Al-Haytham, a nephew of ibn Hawshab, was the one who started the work of Ismaili Da'wah in Sind nd converted the ruler of Sind to Ismailifaith. This was the dynasty of Soomras, who ruled Sind for over 300 years. Allana recorded that when Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi invaded Sind, he mercilessly butchered thousands of Ismailis, and with that came the end of Ismaili rule in Sind. Dr. John Norman Hollister has recorded in The Shi'a Of India (2nd ed., 1979, p. 347), based upon recent researches of M. Abdul Halim Sharar and Syed Hashimi's publication The Arab Rule in Sind (pp. 221-22), that Sumras (Soomras) "were Jewish converts to Islam who, coming to Sindfrom Iraq, adopted the Qarmatian articles offaith and held power over the province of Sind until the middle of the eighth centuryA. H." Pir Satgur Nur Based upon legends, some historians have,placed the conversion of the Khojahs as early as the ninth century by a Da`i named Nur-ud-Din (light of the faith). Ismaili missionary Abualy A. Aziz records in A Brief History of Ismailism, (Toronto, 1985, p. 114) that he was the fifteenth Pir of Ismailis. His name was Sayyid Mohammed. Nooruddi'n was not his name but a title he died in 487 a.h. (1094 a.d.). Others historians have placed the arrival of this so called Ismaili Pir in India during the period of the fourth grand master of Alamut, Hasan 'ala dhikrihis-salaam (d. 1166). T. W. Arnold says that he arrived in Gujrat during the reign of Sidhraj Jai Sing (1094-1143). F. L. Faridi says, based upon another legend, that he arrived in Gujrat during the reign of Bhima II (1179-1242). Dr. G. Allana writes that he came after Al-Haytham. Thus the legendarydates vary from the ninth to the thirteenth century. The name of this Da'i in Ismaili literature is Pir Satgur Nur. Various miracles are ascribed to this legendary preacher by Ismaili authors, such as making Hindu gods and goddesses (statues of stones)dance at his command. The claims for Pir Satgur Nur being deputed by an Ismaili Imam from Persia are conflicting and cannot besubstantiated. John Norman Hollister records in 'The Shi`a Of India' (p. 351), that based upon the date of the Pir's death recorded on his tomb and the claims made about him, the Pir "wouldhave been over three hundred years old!" Professor W. Ivanow concludes in 'The Sect of Imam Shah in Gujrat' (p. 59): "It must befrankly admitted that we know absolutely nothing about the date at which the Pir [satgur Nur] settled or died at Nawsari, whohe was, and what religion he really preached." Pir Shams of Multan Other traditions have tried to attribute theconversion of the Khojahs to a Muslim saint named Awliya Shah Shams-ud-Din of Multan, Punjab (d. 1276). But history records thatthis famous Muslim saint, to whom Ismailis refer as Pir Shams, had not visited Gujrat, Kutchh, or Kathiawar during his lifetime, andthe majority of the Khojah Ismailis have their roots in these districts. Today, the majority of historians agree that the development of the Khojah sect was greatly influenced by Pir Sadr-din and his son Pir Hasan Kabiruddin (Shaykh Kabir ad-Din). Pir Sadr-din was the one that gave the Khojah community its name. This Khojah ancestry is the root of almost all the Agakhani Ismailis of Indo-Pakistan origin, who have since spread all over the globe. One has also to bear in mind that it is also theroot of Khojah Shi`ah Ithna'ashries and Khojah Sunni Muslims of Indo-Pakistan origin. Khojah Agakhani Ismailis claim that Pir Sadr-din and his mentor Pir Shams of Multan were Imami Nizari Ismailis. Sunni Khojahs claim that the Pirs were Sunni Muslims and their converts were observing the traditions (Sunna) of the Prophet Muhammad, upon whom be peace. Khojah Ithna'ashries claim that the forefathers of Agakhani Ismailis were following Ithna'ashri rites and rituals. Even the ancestors of Karim Aga Khan that came from Persia were strictly observing Ithna'ashri rites and rituals. These ritualswere gradually abrogated and systematically abolished during the Imamate of Aga Khan III. Today, there are thousands of descendantsof the original converts and adherents of Shah Shams in Pakistan, India, Tibet, and Kashmir who regularly visit the shrine oftheir Awliya. These devotees of Shah Shams are known as Shamsi. A vast majority of them follow the Sunni Tariqah of Islam, and therest are Ithna'ashries. With the exception of a few families in Punjab and the Northwest Frontier province, there are no Ismaili Shamsis in India or Pakistan. Noorum-Mubin, a history book (1951 ed., p. 330) written by an Ismaili author acknowledges that the majority of the converts of Pir Shams now belong to the Ahle Sunnat Jama`at meaning, belong to the community of Sunni Muslims. Khojah is a term used to describe a caste Recently, the centennial of a widely readGujrati monthly, Rahe Najat (path of salvation), was celebrated by the KhojahIthna'ashries. A special booklet paying homage to its first editor, Haji Gulam Ali Haji Ismail, popularly known as Haji Naji (the saved Haji), was published and printedby NASIMCO (Organization of North American Shi`ah Ithna-ashri Muslim Communities), Toronto, Canada. Professor Abdulaziz A. Sachedina of the University of Virginia writes in this booklet (p. 4): It is important to stress the basic characteristic of the Khoja community whose members retained their caste ideas inherited from their Hindu ancestors for a long time due to the necessity of posing as Hindus. However, this caste identity has no relationship with Islam. In fact, it is correct to say that thereis nothing like "Khojaism" that competes for loyalty with "Shi'ism" in this community. A Khoja is a Khoja only byright of birth. It is a term used to describe a caste and as such even if a Khoja changes his religion he still remains a Khoja.

How sad. I find this video, and any others that mock (disrespectfully portray) any faith highly offensive. I wonder how many people would have found it funny if this same guy was using this same vulgar language and repeating Guru Nanak Dev Ji's divine name and speaking of Sikhi in the same sentance, actually stupid question, I am sure some members of this forum would think it hilarious.

"could you kindly provide evidence that he was a paedophile and couldn't recite mul-mantar."

Sorry above was meant to read Sri Caitanya Caritamrta and Caitanya Bhagavat. Is anyone here acquainted with these texts? I am looking for a sakhi within these that describes Guru Nanak Dev Ji apparently dancing in kirtan with Caitanya Mahaprabhu...

Veer Javandmard Ji, Although I wholeheartedly agree with you that "gold capping" Darbar Sahib was an ill concieved idea (how could anyone improve on the pure white lotus form of Guru Ji's sublime thought), and although I am not a fan of Ranjit Singh (M) myself (even though acknowledging he is on of the greatest military generals in recent history), could you kindly provide evidence that he was a paedophile and couldn't recite mul-mantar. Thanks.

Could you ask your Gurdev to provide a reference please (which book etc).

Seva carried out by Prabhjit Singh: Ragas of Sri Guru Granth Sahab The following arrangement has been followed in the scheme of notation. First the parent scale (Thath) is given and then the class (Jati) of the raga, which may be pentatonic (Arav), hexatonic (Sharav) or septatonic (Sampuran). This is followed by the notes (Svares) used in the raga. The sonant (Vadi) is given followed by the consonant (Samvadi) note. In some cases the atmosphere of the raga is then indicated. Then follow the notes of the ascending movement. (Aroha) and the descending notes (Avaroha). The characteristic notes (Pakad) of the raga are indicated. The Ragas of the Sikh Scripture are given in the serial order. The notation of the Dhunis of the vars is not mentioned here, but will be found in the two volumes in Punjabi entitled Gurbani Sangeet: Prachin Ritt-Ratnavali (pp. 953- 983) by Bhai Avtar Singh and Bhai Gurucharan Singh, published by Punjabi University, Patiala, 1979. M Teevar S + P Shud Only R Shud + Komal G Shud + Komal D Shud + Komal N Shud + Komal Note: M Teevar is represented by m in notation. R (komal) is represented by r G " " g D " " d N " " n 1. SRI RAG Thath: Poorvi. Jati: Arava-Sampuran Svaras: R, D, m, rest Shudh. Varjit G D in Aroha. Vadi: R Samvadi P Atmosphere: Solemn and grave Time of Singing: Evening (6 PM-9 PM) Aroha: S r r P, m P N S Avaroha: S N d P, m D m G R, R R P R G G R S Pakad: S, r, r, P, m G r, GR S Note: This is an important raga and occupies the first place in the Sikh Scripture. The word "Shri" means great or respected. It is an important raga and its quite popular. In avaroha, S r P are used in accompaniment and M Teevar is touched frequently. 2. MANJH Thath: Khamaj, Jati: Sharav-Sampuran Svaras: S R M P D N Shudh S R G M D N in Aroha; N in Avaroha: S n D P, D n D P, M G R S G and N both Sudh and Komal Vadi: S, Samvadi: P Time of Singing : Fourth Pahar of the day (3 PM- 6 PM) Aroha: S R, M P D, N S Avaroha: S N D P, D N D, P, M G R S Pakad: M G R S, N P N S P N S, N D P M G R S 3. GAURI Thath: Bhairav, Jati: Arav-Sampuran Svaras: S r M, P N Vadi: r Samvadi: P Atmosphere: Peaceful and Tanquil Time of Singing: Afternoon (3 PM-6 PM) Aroha: S r M, P N Avaroha: S N d P M G r S, N S. Pakad: S r M P, G r S N D P M P N S Note: It is extremely devotional in mood. It has the greatest number of composition including the popular Sukhmani Sahib of Guru Arjan. This raga is not sung in Tar Saptak. 4. ASA Thath: Bilaval. Jati: Arava-Sampuran Svaras: All Shudh, (N somethimes are used in descending movement) Vadi: M. Samvadi: S Atmosphere: Peaceful and refreshing Time of singing: Fourth Pahar of the night (3 AM-6 AM) Aroha: S R M P D S Avaroha: S N D P M G R S Pakad: S, R, M P D, P M, G R S R G, S Note: N is sometimes used in Avaroha for greater impact of the raga. It produces Bhakti rasa (devotional emotion), which is very essential for early morning prayer. Asa-di-Var the Sikh devotional dawn composition consisteing of 24 chhants, 24 pauris and salokas is sung daily in Gurdwaras and homes for its blissful effect. 5. GUJRI Thath: Todi Jati: Sharav-Sharav Svaras: R G D (komal), M (Teevar), S and N Shudh, Varjit P Vadi: D. Samvadi: G Atmosphere: Solemn and devotional Time of Singing: 9 AM-12.00 Noon (second Pahar of the day) Aroha: S r g m D N S Avaroha: S N d m g r S Pakad: m d N d, m g r g r s 6. DEVGANDHARI Thath; Bhairav. Jati: Arava-Sampuram Svaras: S G M P D (Shudh): R and d in Avaroha, both forms of R, D & N are used. Vadi: M. Samvadi: S Atmosphere: Peaceful and tranquil Time of Singing: First Pahar of day ( 6 AM-9 AM0 Aroha: S R M P, d P M, P D S, R S Avaroha: R S N d P, M n P, M G R S. Pakad: M, P d, m, G, S R M 7. BIHAGRA Thath: Bilaval. Jati: Arav-Sampuran Svaras: S G M P N: in Avaroha (Both M, N). R & D prohibited in Aroha. Vadi: G. Samvad: N Atmosphere: Peaceful and refreshing Time of Singing: Second pahar of the night (9 PM-12.00 midnight) Aroha: N S G M P N S Avaroha: S N D P, n D P, m G M G R S Pakad: G M P n D P, G M G, R S. 8. WADAHANS Thath: Khamaj. Jati: Sharav-Sampuran Svaras: N (Both); S R M P D (Shudh); G in Avaroha Vadi: P Samvadi: R Time of Singing: Third Pahar of the day (12 Noon-3 PM) Aroha: S R M P D n P N S Avaroha: S n P D M, G R S, N S Pakad: S R M P n P, D P, M G R, S, N, P N S 9. SORATH Thath: Khamaj Jati: Arav-Sharav Svaras: S R M P N (Shudh); D, n IN Avaroha Vadi: R Samvadi: D Atmosphere: Peaceful and devotional Time of Singing: Seocnd Pahar of the night ( 9 PM- 12.00 midnight) Aroha: S R M R N S Avaroha: S R n D P D M G R N S Pakad: R M P N, S n D P M D, M R N S Note: This is a light and beautiful raga and conducive to meditation on the True Lord (43). 10. DHANASRI Thath: Kafi. Jati: Arav-Sampuran Svaras: N G (Komal), S R M P D (Shudh); Vadi: P Samvadi: S Time of Singing: Third Pahar of the day (12.00 noon-3 PM) Aroha: S g M P n S Avaroha: S n D P M g R S {M M} Pakad: N S {g g} M P, P, n D P, g, M, g, R S. 11. JAITSRI Thath: Poorvi Jati: Arav-Sampuran Svaras: M (Teevar): S G P N (Shudh): R, D m in Avaroha Vadi: G Samvadi: N Atmosphere: Solemn Time of Singing: First Pahar of the night (6 PM-9 PM) Aroha: S G, m P, N S Avaroha: S r N d P m G P G r S. Pakad: S G m P, D m P, P m G P G r S. 12. TODI Thath: Todi. Jati: Sampuran Svaras: R, G, D (Komal) M (Teevar), N Shudh: (Slight P in Aroha) Vadi: D Samvadi: G Atmosphere: Blissful. Time of Singing: Second Pahar of the day (9 Am -!2.00 Noon) Aroha: S r g m P d N S Avaroha: S N d m P m d m g r g r S Pakad: d, n S, R g, r S, m, g r g r S 13. BAIRARI Thath: Marwah. Jati: Sampuran. Svaras: R (Komal), M (Teevar), rest Shudh Vadi: G Samvadi: D Time of Singing: First Pahar of the day (6 AM- ( AM) Aroha: S r G, m p m G,P D N S Avaroha: S N D P G P m G r s Pakad: P d G,P D, m G, r G, m G, r S 14. TILANG Thath: Khamaj Jati: Arav-Arav Svaras: S G M P N, n in Avaroha: R D Varijit (not used) Vadi: G Samvadi: N Atmosphere: Light. Time of Singing: Third Pahar of the day (3 PM-6 PM) Aroha: S G, M P N S Avaroha: S n P G M G S Pakad: N S G M P N S, N P, G M G, S Note: In this raga, there is emphasis on G and N. Thumri is generally sung in this raga. 15. SUHI Thath: Bilaval Jati: Sampuran Svaras: N (shudh & Komal), rest Shudh. Vadi: P Samvadi: S Time of Singing: Second Pahar of the day ( 9 AM-!2 Noon) Aroha: S R G M, R G M P, N D N S Avaroha: S n D P, n D P, M G, D P M G R, P M G R, G R S Pakad: S n P, M G R G M M G R S. 16. BILAVAL Thath: Bilaval. Jati: Sampuran Svaras: All Shudh ( N Komal in Avaroha) Vadi: D Samvadi: G Atmosphere: Peaceful, tranquil Time of Singing: Second Pahar of the day ( 9 AM-12 Noon) Aroha: S R G M P, N D N S Avaroha: S N D P, M G R S Pakad: D, P M G M R S 17. GOND Thath: Bilaval. Jati: Sampuran (Irregular) Svaras: All Shudh Vadi: S Samvadi: M Time of Singing: Second Pahar of the day ( 9 AM- 12 Noon) Aroha: S R G M, P D N D N S Avaroha: S N D N P, M G R S Pakad: M, P, N D N P, G ,M, G, R, G R S 18. RAMKALI Thath: Bhairav. Jati: Arav-Sampuran Svaras: R D (Komal), rest Shudh Vadi: P Samvadi: S Time of Singing: Fourth Pahar of the night ( 3 AM- 6 AM) Aroha: S R G, M G, P d, S Avaroha: S N d, M P d n P G, M, r S Pakad: P, M P, d n P, G, M, r S. Note: Guru Nanak composed Sidh Gosht in this raga because it is popular with the Yogis. 19. NUT-NARAYAN Thath: Bilaval. Jati:. Sampuran-Arav Svaras: Both M, rest Shudh: G, N prohibited in Avaroha Vadi: P Samvadi: R Time of Singing: Second Pahar of the night ( 9 PM-12 Midnight) Aroha: S r S, N D P, D S, r G m P, m D N D S Avaroha: S N d P , G, D m G P m G R S Pakad: m G m D n S, r N d P, D , G, R S 20. MALI GAURA Thath: Marwah. Jati: Sampuran Svaras: r, both types ofM and D, rest Shudh Vadi: r Samvadi: P Time of Singing: First Pahar of the night (6 PM-9 PM) Aroha: S r S, N D P, D S, r G m P, m D N D S Avaroha: S N d P Mm G, D m G, P m G R S Pakad: m G m D N S, r N d Pm D m G, R S 21. MARU Thath: Khamaj. Jati: Arav Sampuran Svaras: Both M & N, rest Shudh, R prohibited in Aroha Vadi: G Samvadi: S Time of Singing: Third Pahar of the day (12 Noon- 3 PM) Aroha: S M G M P D S N S M R Avaroha: S n D P M D P M, P M, G S Pakad: S M G M P D S N S 22. TUKHARI Thath: Khamaj. Jati: Sampuran Svaras: G, M both ( M slightly used) and N both; rest Shudh Vadi: P Samvadi: S Time of Singing: Fourth Pahar of the day (3-6 PM) Aroha: N S g R S, G M P M P M P, P D n D P M P, S N S Avaroha: S N S N S, n D P, P M P M P, M g R S, R N S Pakad: P D n n D M P G M P M G R S N S 23. KEDARA Thath: Kalyan. Jati: Arav-Sharav Svaras: S M P D N Shudh, M (Teevar); R G prohibited in Aroha & G in Avaroha-occasional touch of G. Vadi: M Samvadi: S Atmosphere: cooling and healing Time of Singing: First Pahar of the night (6 PM-9 PM) Aroha: S M, m P, D P, N D, S Avaroha: S N D, P, M N P DP, M G M R S Pakad: S M, M P, m P D P M, M R S 24. BHAIRAV Thath: Bhairav. Jati: Sampuran Svaras: R D (Komal) rest Shudh Vadi: d Samvadi: r Atmosphere: Solemn Time of Singing: Early morning (fourth Pahar of the night 3 AM 6 AM) Aroha: S r G M P d N S Avaroha: S N d P M G R S Pakad: d d P G M r S 25. BASANT Thath: Poorvi. Jati: Sharav-Sampuran Svaras: R & D Komal, M (both Shudh and Teevar) rest Shudh Vadi: S Samvadi: P Atmosphere: Refreshing and inspiring Time of Singing: First Pahar of the night (6-9 PM); any time during the Spring reason Aroha: S G, m d, r S Avaroha: r N d, P, m G, R S, M Pakad: S M, m m G, N d P, m G, S g, m D S 26. SARANG Thath: Kafi. Jati: Arav-Arav Svaras: N (both Shudh and Komal), G D (Varjit: forbidden), rest Shudh Vadi: R Samvadi: P Atmosphere: Light Time of Singing: Second Pahar of the day (9 AM-Noon) Aroha: S R M P N S Avaroha: S n P M R S Pakad: N S, R, P M R, S 27. MALAR/MALHAR Thath: Khamaj. Jati: Sampuran-Sampuran Svaras: All Shudh; Vadi: M Samvadi: S Atmosphere: Soothing and refreshing Time of Singing: Any time in the rainy season or late night time Aroha: S R R G M, M P, N D N S Avaroha: S D P M G, M R, R S Pakad: S R G M, M R P, D N P, M R S Note: There are various types of Malar, but Mian ki Malar is very popular 28. KANRA Thath: Kafi. Jati: Sampuran Svaras: G Komal, rest Shudh; (R P for accompaniment) both N, D prohibited. Vadi: P Samvadi: S Atmosphere: Solemm Time of Singing: Second Prahar of the night (9 PM-12 Midnight) Aroha: S R g, M P N S Avaroha: S n D n P M P g M R s M Pakad: S, R n S R P g, N, n P, M P S, n P, M P, M G M, R S 29. KALYAN (YAMAN) Thath: Kalyan. Jati: Sampuran-Sampuran Svaras: M (Teevqar), rest Shudh Vadi: G Samvadi: N Atmosphere: Solemn Time of Singing: First Pahar of the night (6 PM to 9 PM) Aroha: S R G, m P, D, N S Avaroha: S N D, P, m G, R S Pakad: N R G, R, S, P m G, R S 30. PRABHATI Thath: Bhairav, Jati: Sampuran Svaras: R, d (Komal), both M, rest Shudh Vadi: M Samvadi: S Time of Singing: Early morning (fourth Pahar of the night, 3 AM-6 AM) Aroha: S r G M, m G, M P d N S Avaroha: S N d P M, G r S Pakad: G M G, r S, R, S, d N S, G M d P, M G M G R S Note: Literally "Prabhati" means dawn. So this raga is sung at pre-dawn or dawn. 31. JAIJAWANTI Thath: Khamaj. Jati: Sampuran Svaras: Both G, both N, rest Shudh Vadi: R Samvadi: P Time of Singing: Second Pahar of the night ( 9 AM-12 Midnight) Aroha: R g R S, R, G M P, D P N S Avaroha: S n D P D M, G R, R G R S Pakad: R g R S, D n R Note: This raga is used only by Guru Tegh Bahadur

Veer Niranjana Ji, would your arguement not also apply to Holla Mohalla in that case?

Part 1 Part 2 Part 3 Part 4 Part 5 Part 6 Part 7 Part 8 Part 9 Part 10 Part 11

There was some discussion of what weaponery the "Khalsa" would use today or tomorrow?

Nishanwalia Misl. Flag has great significance for every army. Falling of flag not only discourages the troops but is also a symbol of acknowledgement of defeat. ‘Don’t let the Flag drop’ used to be the proclaimation of the soldiers. So, selected Sikhs were pulled out of various misls and placed in this misl. If the flag bearer would drop in the battlefield, another would pick up the flag before it drops or comes lower. Many tales of bravery of this misl are known in Sikh history. One such example is as under. Bhai Alam Singh was captured by the Mughals. They asked Bhai Alam Singh to drop the flag but he did not budge. Thecommander shouted at him and said, “Throw the flag or your hands will be cut.†With great enthusiasm, Alam Singh said, “I shall hold it with my mouth.†“Your head will be cut.†Bhai Alam Singh said loudly, “He will protect it whose flag it is.†This misl had no separate area of jurisdiction. Their soldiers were found in every misl. They would obtain their share after every campaign. Jathedâr Sangat Singh was the Jathedar of this misl. He used to be ahead in every campaign of the Sikhs. After the exit of Abdali, S. Sangat Singh made Ambala as his centre and exercised jurisdiction upto Karnal in the South and Ropar–Kharar in the North. Jathedar Mohar Singh succeeded him. He felt contented with what ever territory he had. Since he had no offspring. The misl became leaderless. Maharaja Ranjit Singh took over this misl and ended its existence.* Sikh Missionery College

Thanks for posting this veer ji. Forum Sangat in the UK, please do try and come and support the event, it will be an excellent day out for individuals as well as families, experiencing the fighting and singing of the old... as per our Guru Ji's traditions. There will be lectures, demonstrations, concert and kirtan, concluded by a "specially prepared" langar! It is also another opportunity to see Nihang Ni-ddar Singh Ji's talk, for those of you who missed it last time. Hope you can make it, if the event is popular, something bigger can be organised in the near the future, with maybe more puratan elements added in... Vaheguru

Khanda, it would be interesting if people could list references from sources to where the current Khanda on the Nishan Sahib originated from. From old paintings that I have seen, Nishan Sahib seems to be either Durga or a Katar and 2 kirpanan shown horizontally. I don’t think I’ve ever seen a khanda on any photo or painting prior to 1900. Bhai Sahib Freed Ji could probably provide some paintings to show this.

Nagar Kirtan is influenced on the large part by Prabhat Pheri, an old Indian tradition. Although Maharaj was not carried and panj pyare were not leading. It was traditionally used on celebrating Guru Nanak Dev Ji's janam divas, where an Akhand Paath was held and the Prabhat Pheri would start at amritvela, people singing kirtan would walk around the village and the gathering would gather and grow larger. The tradition for Sikhs is said to have started from 6th Master. It slowly evolved to celebrating more Gurpurbs, where Akhand paath was also held. It’s fair to say the Holla procession has also influenced Nagar Kirtan, due to it’s the multi-faceted nature (i.e. Gatka, Dhol and Bhangra – a recent innovation etc…)

http://www.bcsikhyouth.com/gallery/thumbnails.php?album=5 Above link is Dr Gurnaam Singh's shabd, I would also recommend getting Dr Ji's cd set (Sikh Musicology?), as it is the only set (apart from Mere Mun) to cover "all" the gurbani raags including Guru Arjun Dev Ji's mishrat raags. To learn about the meanings of raags, Mere Mun is recommended as it also includes an excellent book explaining each of the raags moods in sri Guru Granth Sahib (par Asa Asavari). Vaheguru

If your really interested in Nirdaareth (title, as per Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji) raag kirtan, I would recommend you invest in teh following albums, which althoug pricey, are excellent value for money as they contain a whole compendium of the raags in Maharaj. Many of these are available on the net in various forms, but I would request you and all kirtan lovers to buy the albums rather than illegally downloading them, in order to support the lifetimes hard work these sevadaar have put in, and thus encourage them to do more, encourage shops to stock more raag kirtan and increase demand in raag kirtan, so there are more exponents, more competition and a higher quality of kirtan will be the result in no time at all.... Dhan So Raag Sorangreh - by Bhai Balbir Singh Ji Gurbnai Kirtan Parampara - Bhai Avtaar Singh Ji Har Har Govind Japah - Bhai Nirmal Singh Ji (not sure if title) Jin Prem Kiyo - Bhai Nirmal Singh Ji (not sure if title) Man tu Jyot Saroop Hai - Bhai Nirmal Singh Ji (not sure if title) Mere Mun - Professor Surinder Singh Ji Anhad - Professor Surinder Singh Ji Prem Piri - Bhai Avtaar Singh Ji Raag Guldasta - Bhai Balbir Singh i Virsa - Bhai Avtaar Singh Ji

You need to know the name of the singer, rather than author of the shabd if you want to find kirtan. ikirtan is a good site, I will post some others later. look under bhai balbir singh, there are loads of excellent title raag shabd.

http://www.beatofindia.com/forms/kavishri.htm Kavisri was started by the 10th Guru "Guru Govind Singh". It is an energetic and very dynamic style of singing where the singer's gusto compensates for the lack of instruments. Kavishri performers sing about historical events in the form of poetry. There are nine accepted rasas or flavours of singing, out of which four are prominent. They are hasya ras (comic), Shant ras (quiet), Verag ras (mystic) and Veer ras (heroic). It is the Veer ras that is most commonly sung today. There are innumerable songs, poetic compositions called kavits and the on-the-spot compositions of Kavishris in praise of an individual or an event that are sung under this genre. Here are some classics from Bhai Jogi Singh Ji Jogi: http://music.punjabcentral.com/artist/?artist=1194

Description of the person who wrote this article, in his own words: The People Watcher: These are folks who think that the Gurdwara is a 3-D cinema hall where a real life movie is being played out for them. In the langgar hall and the Darbar, they invest time and energy in discovering the best seating spots from which they can watch, observe, analyze and make detailed mental notes of who comes, who walks at what speed, who bows with the left hand touching down first, who sits with the right knee up, who needs to lose a few pounds, who wore the same clothes from last month, who drinks more water than he eats, who licks his fingers after Degh and many other such important details. For these folks, their spot is a closely guarded secret; so don't be surprised if they come early to claim it. For them the movie is only paused after they have packed their langar to take home.